簡易檢索 / 詳目顯示

研究生: 林萱
論文名稱: 排灣語的中間語態
The middle voice in Paiwan
指導教授: 廖秀娟
口試委員: 吳靜蘭
謝富惠
學位類別: 碩士
Master
系所名稱: 人文社會學院 - 台灣研究教師在職進修碩士學位班
Graduated Program of Taiwan Studies for in-service Teachers
論文出版年: 2013
畢業學年度: 101
語文別: 英文
論文頁數: 112
中文關鍵詞: 中間語態排灣語
外文關鍵詞: middle voice, Paiwan
相關次數: 點閱:58下載:0
分享至:
查詢本校圖書館目錄 查詢臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統 勘誤回報
  • Chinese Abstract
    摘要
    在本論文中,筆者主要著重在探討排灣語中是否存在著中間語態(middle voice)。雖然在文獻中已經有許多學者探討過排灣語的動詞句結構,然而其中間語態卻極少被提到。
    筆者在本論文中旨在探討以下幾點:(1) 排灣語是否存在著中間語態; (2) 如果有的話,構成排灣語中間語態的中間語態標記為何;(3) 探討排灣語的中間語態的語意與句法特色;(4) 探討排灣語中間語態(標記)的歷史發展歷程。
    筆者以Kemmer (1993)的中間語態描述為依據,發現排灣語中確實存在著中間語態。且筆者根據Kemmer (1993)對中間語態的語意分類,將排灣語的中間語態使用情形加以分類而歸納出排灣語共有十二種符合Kemmer (1993)所提的中間語態的分類情形 (自然反身動作、間接中間語態動作、身體打理動作、身體動作、非移動式動作、姿勢改變動作、自然相互事件、移動式動作、言談行為、知覺中間語態、情緒中間語態、自發性事件)。筆者發現排灣語中間語態標記為ki-。
    在將排灣語中間語態的使用情形分類後,筆者也根據Kemmer (1993)所提及的中間語態的相關語意特點歸納出排灣語的中間語態特點。第一,動作引發者和動作終點者在排灣語中間語態為同一對象。第二,排灣語中間語態在「句中參與者分別性」量尺中的分別性程度為較低。第三,排灣語中間語態主詞一定為被影響者。第四,排灣語中間語態在「事件描寫程度」量尺中描寫程度為較低。
    此外,筆者發現排灣語的中間語態呈現出五種句法特點。第一,中間語態標記音節數量多寡和「事件描寫程度」量尺成正比關係。排灣語中間語態標記ki-組成音節數量最少,所以在「事件描寫程度」量尺的程度也最低。第二,有些相似的動詞種類中,有的可以加上ki-成為中間語態,但有些卻不行。第三,有些動詞在排灣語中已經變成一定要加上ki-才可以使用。第四,「去及物性」也發生於排灣語中間語態。第五,排灣語中間語態的「受事者」和非中間語態結構的「受事者」所在的位置一樣;中間語態的「主事者/受事者」為同一個且以主詞的語法關係來呈現;排灣語中間語態呈現長時間廣泛性的描寫而非短時間動作性描寫。
    最後,筆者在探討排灣語中間語態(標記)的歷史發展歷程中,發現排灣語中間語態(標記)可能源自於˹第三人稱」kisurimadju這個字,接下來發展至「反身代名詞」,最後才來到中間語態的用法。在這樣的發展歷程中,有幾個重要機制參與其中,如弱化、去語意化、語意擴展、去詞性化等。


    English Abstract
    I aim to determine whether the middle voice exists in Paiwan in this thesis. Although a number of studies have dealt with verbal constructions in Paiwan, really few studies have touched upon the middle voice in Paiwan.
    This study aims to discuss the following issues: (i) to determine whether the middle voice exists in Paiwan; (ii) to find out the middle marker (MM) in Paiwan; (iii) to discuss the properties of the Paiwan middle voice; (iv) to discuss the historical development of the Paiwan MM.
    Some observations are made in this study. First, there exists the middle voice in Paiwan. Second, the MM in Paiwan is ki-. Third, based on Kemmer’s (1993) classification of middle situation types, there are twelve middle situation types that can be found in Paiwan, including indirect middle, grooming (body care), nontranslational motion, changing in body posture, naturally reciprocal events, naturally reflexive, emotion middle, spontaneous events, translational motion, body action, speech action, and perception middle.
    After classifying Paiwan middle situation types, I synthesize semantic properties of Paiwan middle according to Kemmer (1993). First, the initiator and the endpoint must be the same participant in the Paiwan middle voice. Second, the Paiwan middle voice is in a relatively lower degree of distinguishability of participants. Third, the subject must be the affected one in the Paiwan middle voice. Fourth, the Paiwan middle voice is in a relatively lower degree of elaboration of events.
    Moreover, morphosyntactic properties of the Paiwan middle voice are also discussed. The Paiwan middle voice has the following morphosyntactic properties. First, based on the principle that the more syllables, the higher degree of elaboration of events, one can assume that the Paiwan middle voice is in a relatively lower degree of elaboration of events because ki- in Paiwan has fewer syllables than other markers. Second, some verbs in similar verb class can be in the middle voice but others cannot. Third, some verbs are obligatorily in the middle voice, such as ki-qedi ‘be jealous’. Fourth, detransitivization also happens in the Paiwan middle voice. Fifth, there are some features on the roles of the agent and the patient, on the specification of event type, and on the case marking of the agent and the patient in the Paiwan middle voice.
    As for the historical development of Paiwan MM, the source of the Paiwan middle marker ki- could be kisurimadju ‘3SG’, which then developed to ‘reflexive’, and finally, to the middle voice marker at the end of the process. Some mechanisms are involved in the process, such as ‘erosion’, ‘desemantics’, ‘extension’, and ‘decategorialization’.

    Table of Contents Chinese Abstract i English Abstract iii Acknowledgments v List of Tables xii List of Figures xiv List of Maps xv List of abbreviations xvi Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1. Objectives of this research 1 1.2. About the people and the language 1 1.2.1. Geographic setting, population, and customs 1 1.2.2. Dialects of Paiwan 3 1.3. The linguistic position of Paiwan within the Austronesian language family 4 1.4. Sources of the data 6 1.5. A sketch of Paiwan verbal constructions 8 1.6. Organization of the thesis 10 Chapter 2: Literature Review 11 2.1. Introduction 11 2.2. Semantic definitions of middle voice 11 2.3. Syntactic definitions of middle voice 20 2.4. Instantiation relations: Reflexive, middle, and passive 24 2.4.1. Interim summary of active, reflexive, middle, and passive 31 2.5. Diachronic change of MM 32 2.5.1. Grammaticalization theory 32 2.5.2. Unidirectionality in diachronic change from reflexive to middle 34 2.5.3. Grammaticalization of middle 35 2.6. Previous studies on the reflexive marker ki- and the reciprocal markers maCa- and mar(e)- in Paiwan 37 2.6.1. Candidates of MMs in Paiwan 37 2.6.2. Multifunctional marker ki- 38 2.6.2.1. ki- for conveying ‘obtain / get s.t.’ 38 2.6.2.2. ki- for conveying ‘passive’ 38 2.6.2.3. ki- for three other functions 38 2.6.3. mar(e)- and maCa- for conveying ‘reciprocal’ 39 2.6.4. The reciprocal-reflexive polysemy 40 Chapter 3: Theoretical Framework 42 3.1. Introduction 42 3.2. Kemmer (1993) 42 3.2.1. Middle situation types 42 3.2.1.1. Group 1: Semantically reflexive middle 43 3.2.1.1.1. Grooming (body care) 43 3.2.1.1.2. Nontranslational motion 43 3.2.1.1.3. Change in body posture 43 3.2.1.1.4. Indirect middle 44 3.2.1.1.5. Naturally reciprocal events 44 3.2.1.2. Group 2: Semantically distinct from reflexives 45 3.2.1.2.1. Translational motion 45 3.2.1.2.2. Emotion middle 45 3.2.1.2.3. Cognition middle 45 3.2.1.2.4. Spontaneous events 45 3.2.1.3. Other use of middle 46 3.2.2. The relative distinguishability of participants 47 3.2.3. Morphosyntax: Features of MMs 48 3.2.4. The relation between a RM (HFM) and an MM (LFM) 49 3.2.4.1. Basic types of reflexive marker and middle marker 49 3.2.4.2. Semantic differences between HFM and LFM 50 3.2.4.3. Morphosyntactic differences between HFM and LFM 51 3.2.5. The relationship between morphology and semantics in MM and other markers 54 Chapter 4: Semantic Properties of the Paiwan Middle Voice 56 4.1. Introduction 56 4.2. Decide what the Paiwan middle marker is 56 4.2.1. Possible candidates of MM in Paiwan 56 4.2.2. Paiwan middle voice system: One-form system or two-form system? 61 4.2.3. Differences between kisurimadju and ki- 61 4.3. Semantics of the Paiwan middle voice 63 4.3.1. Classification of situation types associated with the Paiwan middle voice marker ki- 63 4.3.2. Examples of the use of the Paiwan middle marker ki- 65 4.3.2.1. Group 1 65 4.3.2.1.1. Indirect middle 65 4.3.2.1.2. Grooming 66 4.3.2.1.3. Nontranslational motion 67 4.3.2.1.4. Change in body posture 67 4.3.2.1.5. Naturally reciprocal events 68 4.3.2.1.6. Naturally reflexive 68 4.3.2.2. Group 2 69 4.3.2.2.1. Emotion middle 69 4.3.2.2.2. Spontaneous events 69 4.3.2.2.3. Translational motion 70 4.3.2.3. Other subtypes 70 4.3.2.3.1. Body action 70 4.3.2.3.2. Speech action 71 4.3.2.3.3. Perception middle 71 4.3.2.3.4. Interim summary 72 4.3.3. Other meaning of the Paiwan MM ki- 72 4.4. Semantic properties of the Paiwan middle voice 75 4.4.1. The relationship between Initiator and Endpoint in Paiwan ki- verbs 75 4.4.2. The degree of distinguishability of participants in the Paiwan middle voice 77 4.4.3. Subject-affectedness in the middle voice of Paiwan 79 4.4.4. A lower degree of elaboration of events 80 4.5. Developmental path from reflexive to middle 81 4.5.1. The grammaticalization of the MM ki- 81 4.5.2. Properties of grammaticalization of the Paiwan middle 84 4.5.3. Change in motivation type in the grammaticalization process of the reflexive marker and the middle marker 85 4.6. The relationship between ki-V ‘passive’ and ki-V ‘middle’ 87 4.7. The instantiation relations: Reflexive, middle, and passive in Paiwan 88 Chapter 5: Morphosyntactic Properties of the Paiwan Middle Voice 90 5.1. The morphological relation between Paiwan MM and markers for prototypically reflexive, naturally reciprocal, and prototypically reciprocal 90 5.2. Idiosyncratic features of Paiwan MM ki- 91 5.2.1. Idiosyncratic feature I 91 5.2.2. Idiosyncratic feature II 92 5.2.3. Idiosyncratic feature III 93 5.2.4. Idiosyncratic feature IV 93 5.3. Syntactic properties of the Paiwan middle voice 94 5.3.1. Detransitivization 94 5.3.2. Features of the Paiwan middle voice 96 5.3.2.1. Feature I of middle constructions 96 5.3.2.2. Feature II of middle constructions 96 5.3.2.3. Feature III of middle constructions 97 5.3.2.4. Feature IV of middle constructions 98 5.4. Differences between middle voice, active voice, and passive voice 99 5.4.1. Differences between the middle voice and the active voice 99 Chapter 6: Conclusion 103 6.1. Summary 103 6.2. Directions for future research 105 References 107

    References
    Blust, Robert A. 1999. Subgrouping, circularity and extinction: Some issues in Austronesian comparative linguistics. In Selected papers from the Eighth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (8ICAL), ed. by Elizabeth Zeitoun and Paul Jen-kuei Li, 31-94. Taipei: Academia Sinica.
    Blust, Robert A., and Stephen Trussel. In progress. Austronesian comparative dictionary, web edition. Online resource: http://www.trussel2.com/ACD/
    Chang, Anna Hsiou-chuan. 2000. A reference grammar of Paiwan. Formosan Languages Series-No. 9. Taipei: Yuanliou. [in Chinese]
    Chang, Anna Hsiou-chuan. 2006. A reference grammar of Paiwan. Ph.D. dissertation, Australian National University.
    Corripio, Israel Martínez, and Ricardo Maldonado. 2010. Middles and reflexives in Yucatex Maya: Trusting speaker intuition. In Fieldwork and linguistic analysis in indigenous languages of the Americas, ed. by Andrea L. Berez, Jean Mulder, and Daisy Rosenblum, 147-171. Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press.
    Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan. 2013. Population of indigenous peoples in Taiwan and Hokkien Provinces in March 2013. Online resource: http://www.apc.gov.tw
    Council of Indigenous Peoples (CIP), and Ministry of Education (MOE). 2005. The Standard orthography of aboriginal languages. Taipei: Ministry of Education. [in Chinese]
    Croft, William. 1991. Syntactic categories and grammatical relations. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
    Croft, William, Hava Bat-Zeev Shyldkrot, and Susan Kemmer. 1987. Diachronic semantic processes in the middle voice. Paper from the 7th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, ed. by Anna Giacolone Ramat, Onofrio Carruba, and Giuliano Bernini, 179-192. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
    Department of Civil Affairs, Pingtung County Government. 2013. Taiwu Township census in March 2013. Online resource: http://www.pthg.gov.tw
    Eberhard, Philippe. 2004. The middle voice in Gadamer’s hermeneutics. Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 45: 7-16. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck.
    Enger, Hans-Olav, and Tore Nesset. 2000. The Norwegian and Russian reflexive-middle-passive systems and cognitive grammar. In A cognitive approach to the verb: Morphological and constructional perspectives, ed. by Hanne Gram Simonsen and Rolf Theil Endresen, 223-241. New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
    Fernández, Zarina Estrada. 2005. The pronominal form -a as a middle marker in Pima Bajo. International Journal of American Linguistics 71 (3):277-302.
    Ferrell, Raleigh. 1982. Paiwan dictionary. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
    Geniušienė, Emma. 1987. The typology of reflexives. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
    Heine, Bernd, and Tania Kuteva. 2004. World lexicon of grammaticalization. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Ho, Dah-an. 1978. A preliminary comparative study of five Paiwan dialects. Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 49(4): 565-618. [in Chinese]
    Ho, Dah-an. 1995. Paiwan. In Comparative Austronesian dictionary: An introduction to Austronesian studies, Part 1: Fascicle 1, ed. by Darrell T. Tryon, Malcolm D. Ross, Charles E. Grimes, Adrian Clynes, and K. A. Adelaar, 307-314. Trends in Linguistics: Documentation 10. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
    Huang, Wei-chen. 2012. A study of verbal morphology in Puljetji Paiwan. MA. thesis, National Tsing Hua University.
    Kazenin, Konstantin I. 2001. Verbal reflexives and the middle voice. In Language typology and language universals, ed. by Martin Haspelmath, Ekkehard Konig, Wulf Oesterreicher, and Wolfgang Raible, 916-927. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
    Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993. The middle voice. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
    Klaiman, M.H. 1991. Grammatical voice. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig, eds. 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, seventeenth edition. Dallas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/.
    Li, Chao-lin. 2010. The syntax and semantics of eventuality in Paiwan and Saaroa. Ph.D. dissertation, National Tsing Hua University.
    Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 2006. The internal relationships of Formosan languages. Paper presented at the Tenth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (10-ICAL), Puerto Princesa, Philippines, January 17-20, 2006.
    Lyons, John. 1968. Introduction of theoretical linguistics. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Martin, Jack B. 2000. Creek voice: Beyond valency. In Changing valency: Case studies in transitivity, ed. by R. M. W. Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, 375-403. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Mithun, Marianne. 2006. Voice without subjects, objects, or obliques. In Voice and grammatical relations, ed. by Tasaku Tsunoda and Taro Kageyama, 195-216. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
    Ogawa, Naoyoshi, and Erin Asai. 1935. The myths and traditions of the Formosan native tribes (texts and notes). Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Taihoku Imperial University. [in Japanese]
    O’Grady, William. 2012. The syntax files: An introductory survey of basic syntactic concepts and phenomena. Ms.
    Palancar, Enrique L. 2004. Middle voice in Otomi. Language 70 (1):52-85.
    Pawley, Andrew, and Malcolm Ross. 1993. Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history. Annual Review of Anthropology 22:425-459.
    Payne, Thomas. 1997. Describing morphosyntax. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Payne, Thomas. 2006. Exploring language structure. New York: Cambridge University Press.
    Ross, Malcolm. 2009. Proto Austronesian verbal morphology: A reappraisal. In Austronesian historical linguistics and culture history: A Festschrift for Robert Blust, ed. by Alexander Adelaar and Andrew Pawley, 295-326. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.
    Saeed, John. 2003. Semantics. Oxford: Blackwell.
    Starosta, Stanley. 2002. Austronesian ‘focus’ as derivation: Evidence from nominalization. Language and Linguistics 3(2):427-479.
    Sung, Li-May, and Chia-chi Shen. 2006. Reciprocals in Kavalan and a typological comparison. In Streams converging into an ocean, ed. by Lillian M. Huang, Henry Y. Chang, and Dah-an Ho, 239-277. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.
    Tsunoda, Tasaku. 2006. Reflexive and middle constructions of Warrungu (Australia). In Voice and grammatical relations, ed. by Tasaku Tsunoda and Taro Kageyama, 299-331. Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
    Wu, Chun-ming. 2010. Denominalization in Northern Paiwan. Monumenta Taiwanica 1:231-265.
    Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 2002. Reciprocals in the Formosan languages. Paper presented at the Ninth International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics (9-ICAL), Canberra, Australia, January 8-11, 2002.
    Zeitoun, Elizabeth. 2010. On the reconstruction of reciprocal prefixes in PAn based on Formosan data. Ms.
    Zeitoun, Elizabeth, and Lillian M. Huang. 2000. Concerning ka-, an overlooked marker of verbal derivation in Formosan languages. Oceanic Linguistics 39 (2):391-414.
    Zeitoun, Elizabeth, and Stacy F. Teng. 2009. From ki-N ‘get N’ in Formosan languages to ki-V ‘get V-ed’ (passive) in Rukai, Paiwan and Puyuma. In Discovering history through language: Papers in honour of Malcolm Ross, ed. by Bethwyn Evans, 479-500. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics.

    無法下載圖示 全文公開日期 本全文未授權公開 (校內網路)
    全文公開日期 本全文未授權公開 (校外網路)

    QR CODE