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研究生: 葉瑞娟
Yeh, Jui-chuan
論文名稱: 客語中與時貌相關的兩個語詞「Ø」和「le」初探
A Preliminary Study on Two Aspect-Related Morphemes ' Ø' and 'le’
指導教授: 曹逢甫
Tsao, Feng-fu
口試委員:
學位類別: 碩士
Master
系所名稱: 人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所
Institute of Linguistics
論文出版年: 2001
畢業學年度: 89
語文別: 英文
論文頁數: 80
中文關鍵詞: 客語時貌情境類型完整貌語助詞
外文關鍵詞: Hakka, aspect, situation types, perfective, particle, le, le
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  • 有關時貌(aspect)的研究一直以來都吸引著不少語言學家的興趣及注意,國語中對於時貌詞素(morpheme)的研究(如「了」和「過」)可謂成果豐碩,然而,由於客語的相關研究一向不足,更不用提針對特定詞素做深入的分析,因此本文旨在研究客語中與時貌相關的兩個詞素「Ø」和「咧(le)」的語意內涵,並主張客語中的「Ø」和「咧」分別對應於國語中的動後「了」和句子語助詞「了」。
    近來的研究顯示時貌詞素的語意解釋和情境類型(situation type)密切相關,然而必須要注意的是,雖然動詞分類(verb classificaiton)和情境類型很類似,有時候甚至剛好相同,但兩者間絕不可畫上等號,陳平(1988)、史密斯(Smith 1991)、曹逢甫(1998)以及其他許多語言學家都指出情境類型不僅和動詞有關,也和句子的論元(argument)和狀語(adverbial)有關,只是在這些決定因素之中,動詞扮演最關鍵性的角色。換句話說,情境類型是針對句子而言,而不是僅針對個別的動詞或動詞詞組而言。史密斯(Smith 1991)從普遍語法(language universal)的觀點指出跨語言間都展現出五種情境類型,即狀態(State)、活動(Activity)、完結(Accomplish- ment)、瞬成(Achievement)和單次(Semelfactive),客語也具有這五種情境類型,不過在本文中我們將單次類情境類型歸屬於衍生的活動類情境(derived Activity)。

    國語中的動後「了」通常被視為是完整貌(perfective)的詞素,而句子語助詞「了」則被當作是語尾語助詞。雖然客語中「Ø」的存在與否無法被確切的證明,但國語的動後「了」和客語的「Ø」間所展現出的相似性使得我們相信這兩個詞素是國語和客語間相對應的形式。在研究過客語「咧」的語意內涵後,我們主張「咧」是一個情態語助詞(modal particle),其基本意義是狀態的改變,並牽涉到說話者對句子命題(proposition)的主觀認定。無論是「Ø」或是「咧」都可以和狀態類情境、活動類情境、完結類情境和瞬成類情境一起出現,而且這些情境類型在決定含有「咧」的句子的語意時,扮演關鍵的角色。

    若想對客語的時間體系做一完整詳細的分析,下面這些議題是不可被忽略的:對語中其它時貌詞素(如「等(nen)」或「過(ko)」)的研究、時相詞(phase marker)的研究(如「好(ho)」、「忒(thet)」、「成(shang)」,這些都是完結時相詞)、否定與時貌詞間的關聯以及情態動詞(modal verb)「有(jiu)」和「Ø」間的互動。


    Cross-linguistically, aspect has long been a subject that captures much attention of linguists. Researches on Mandarin aspect morphemes, for instance, LE and guo, have been fruitful. Hakka, however, has long been a dialect that is scantily explored, not to mention the study of particular morphemes. Therefore, this thesis aims to investigate the semantic properties of two aspect-related morphemes 'Ø' and 'le' in Hakka, the corresponding forms of Mandarin verbal '–le' and sentential 'le'.
    Recent studies reveal that the interpretation of aspect morphemes is closely related to situation types. Note that thought classification of verbs is similar, and sometimes identical, to that of situation types, they are by no means the same. Chen (1988), Smith (1991), Tsao (1998) and many others have argued that situation types are not only signaled by the verbs but also indicated by the arguments and adverbs of a sentence, among which verbs are the main determinant. In other words, situation types hold for sentences, rather than for individual verbs or for verb phrases. Smith (1991) points out that language-universally five situation types, i.e. States, Activities, Accomplishments, Achievements, and Semelfactives, are manifested. Basically, the situation types in Hakka conform to that suggested by Smith (1991) except that Semelfactives are subsumed under the derived Activities.

    The Mandarin '–le' is generally recognized as a perfective viewpoint morpheme, while 'le' is regarded as a sentence-final particle. Though the existence of the Hakka 'Ø' marker cannot be irrefutably proved, the striking parallelism between the Mandarin '–le' and the Hakka 'Ø' marker leads us to conclude that they are corresponding forms. Investigation of the semantic contents of 'le' in Hakka shows that it is a modal particle, denoting a change of state and involving speakers’ subjective attitudes toward the proposition expressed by a sentence. Both of the 'Ø' marker and 'le' in Hakka are compatible with States, Activities, Accomplishments, and Achievements, all of which play a crucial role in determining the interpretation of sentences containing 'le'.

    A full and detailed account of the temporal system in Hakka will not be possible without extending our research to the following fields: the study of other Hakka aspect morphemes (such as nen‘the durative aspect marker’and ko‘the experiential marker), the investigation of phase markers (such as 'ho', 'thet', and 'shang', all of which can be viewed as the completive phase markers), the relationship between negation and aspect, and the interaction between the modal verb jiu‘have’and the 'Ø' marker.

    Table of Contents List of Abbreviations …………………………………… v List of Tables ……………………………………………… vi List of Figures …………………………………………… vii 1. Introduction …………………………………………… 1 1.1 Motivation…………………………………………… 1 1.2 Scope of the Study ……………………………… 1 1.3 Organization of the Study …………………… 5 2. Literature Review …………………………………… 6 2.1 The Definition of Aspect ……………………… 6 2.2. Previous Studies on LE in Mandarin ……… 9 2.2.1 Two-Morpheme Treatment ………………… 9 2.2.1.1 Chao (1968) ………………………… 10 2.2.1.2 Li & Thompson (1981) …………… 12 2.2.1.3 Smith (1991, 1994) ……………… 16 2.2.2 One-Morpheme Treatment ………………… 18 2.2.2.1 Huang (1988, 1990) ……………… 18 2.3 Previous Studies on LE in Hakka …………… 23 2.3.1 Lo (1988 [1984]) ………………………… 23 2.3.1.1 Lo’s Analyses …………………… 23 2.3.1.2 Critique …………………………… 25 2.3.2 Liu (1997) ………………………………… 25 2.3.2.1 Liu’s Analyses ………………… 26 2.3.2.2 Critique …………………………… 27 2.3.3 Li (2000) …………………………………… 27 2.3.3.1 Li’s Analyses …………………… 27 2.3.3.2 Critique …………………………… 28 2.4 Summary …………………………………………… 29 3. Situation Types in Hakka …………………………31 3.1 Introduction …………………………………… 31 3.2 Li’s (2000) Classification of Hakka Situation Types ……………………………………………………… 32 3.3 Smith’s (1991) Framework ………………… 33 3.4 Situation Types in Hakka ………………… 35 3.4.1 States …………………………………… 37 3.4.2 Activities ……………………………… 40 3.4.3 Accomplishments ……………………… 42 3.4.4 Achievements …………………………… 45 3.5 Summary ………………………………………… 48 4. The Ø Marker and le in Hakka ……………… 50 4.1 Introduction ………………………………… 50 4.2 The Verbal Suffix: –le or Ø ? ………… 50 4.2.1 The Verbal Suffix –le …………… 50 4.2.2 The Ø Marker ………………………… 53 4.3 The Modal Particle le …………………… 57 4.3.1 The Semantic Contents of le …… 57 4.3.2 Where not to use le ………………… 66 4.3.3 Grammaticalization of le ………… 67 4.4 The Combination of the Ø Marker and le or le Alone? …………………………………………………… 68 4.5 Summary ………………………………………… 72 5. Conclusion ………………………………………… 73 5.1 Summary of Findings ……………………… 73 5.2 Suggestions for Further Studies ……… 74 Reference ……………………………………………… 77

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