本篇論文主要探討漢語中包含形容詞的句型以及相關的程度修飾結構。形容詞是一個相當特別的詞類。在大部分的情形之下，如果要把一個形容詞詮釋的正確就必須要仰賴於對於語境的掌握。為了決定一個包含形容詞的句子的真值，我們必須要了解在這種情形下，比較種類和比較標準各是什麼。事實上，並非每個形容詞都得仰賴於語境才能決定其真值。有些形容詞，像是髒，開，直，等等，本身自己就有特定的等級結構，而這些等級結構就已經帶著某種程度的值，有些值可能是最大的，而有些值也有可能是最小的。由於不同的形容詞帶著不同的等級結構，因此，它們若是和一些程度修飾與一起出現的話，將會產生不同的結果。
本篇論文從形容詞句型和“夠”及“到”子句的關係開始討論起。Von Stechow (1984) 提出英文的形容詞結構在某些特定的情況下有一個看不見的元素 pos 可以去限制並滿足形容詞的程度論元。然而，C.- S. Liu (2005) 卻認為漢語不像英語有那麼一個看不見的元素 pos。相反的，在漢語當中，對形容詞的程度論元產生限制與滿足的方式是仰賴於一些明顯的差別或元素；像是句尾助詞“了”，疊字，或是對比焦點。基於以上的分析及最近一些學者對於形容詞這詞類的觀點，我認為“夠”和“到”子句之所以不能共存在同一個句子當中是因為在這種情況下只有一個形容詞出現，一旦這個形容詞的程度論元被滿足的話，即使有另一個程度修飾語的出現，就無法再被更動。
此外，本篇論文還觸及到另一個議題，是關於漢語帶“比”字的比較句型和不帶“比”字的比較句型。有別於 C.- Zhao (2005) 所提出的分析，在這裡，我提出上述兩種比較句型的差異，主要是受到“比”這個字是否出現的影響。文末，藉由輕動詞結構來解釋上述兩種比較句型的差異。

This work focuses on the adjectival construction and some degree modifications in Mandarin Chinese. Adjective is a special grammatical category in that its interpretation, in most cases, does not stay constant and varies from context to context. In order to determine the truth value of a sentence containing an adjective, we have to know what the comparison class is and capture the standard of comparison in advance. However, not every adjective requires a context for the determination of its value. Some adjectives, such as dirty, open, straight, etc, have their inherent scale structures encoded with a certain kind of value, which may be maximum or minimum. Due to the fact that different adjectives have different scale structures, the combinations of these adjectives and degree modifiers will cause many different results.
In this work, I start with the discussion of the relation between the adjectival construction and the degree modifier gou ‘enough’ and the dao- clause. Von Stechow (1984) proposes that in English adjectival constructions can have a covert element pos to saturate and restrict the degree argument of the adjectives. However, C.- S. Liu (2005) proposes that Mandarin Chinese is not like English in that it does not have a covert element to saturate the degree argument of an adjective. The only way to complete the saturation of the degree argument of an adjective is to resort to some overt element, such as the sentence final particle le, reduplication, or contrastive focus. Based on the analyses mentioned above and the concept that gradable adjectives denote relations between individuals and degrees proposed in Seuren (1973), Creswell (1977), Hellan (1981), Klein (1991), Kennedy (1999), and Kennedy& McNally (2005), I propose that the incompatibility between gou ‘enough’ and the dao- clause in the same sentence can be accounted for by the fact that there is only one adjective in the sentence whose degree argument needs to be saturated.
Another issue addressed in this paper is the contrast between two different comparative constructions, one being the comparative construction containing the lexical item bi ‘than’, and the other the construction that does not contain bi ‘than’. An analysis different from the one proposed by C.- Zhao (2005) is given, which states that the differences between these two kinds of comparative constructions are associated with the presence or absence of the lexical item bi ‘than’. I account for the contrasts between these two constructions employing the light verb COMPARE.

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