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研究生: 鄭偉成
Jheng, Wei-Cherng Sam
論文名稱: 漢語句法-言談介面研究
The Syntax-Discourse Interface in Mandarin
指導教授: 蔡維天
Tsai, Wei-Tien Dylan
吳曉虹
Wu, Hsiao-Hung Iris
口試委員: 謝易達
Hsieh, I-Ta Chris
廖偉聞
Liao, Wei-Wen Roger
楊中玉
Yang, Chung-Yu Barry
王乾安
Wang, Chyan-An Arthur
學位類別: 博士
Doctor
系所名稱: 人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所
Institute of Linguistics
論文出版年: 2018
畢業學年度: 106
語文別: 英文
論文頁數: 295
中文關鍵詞: 句法言談介面製圖句法關聯主題非語句子分裂句言語行為
外文關鍵詞: syntax-discourse interface, cartographic syntax, aboutness topic, nonsentential, split, speech act
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  • 本論文研究言談訊息是否以形式特徵存在於句法運算系統裡。我探討漢語的關聯主題和非語句結構等兩種現象,指出其語意的詮釋性必須依賴言談語境以及透過補詞層和詞彙層的左緣結構來體現其句法特性。我進而主張漢語有兩種手段觸發句法-言談介面銜接。
    漢語的關聯主題在前人文獻已經探討甚多,其句法位置和訊息結構特徵有著不同的分析。我提出新的觀察,指出漢語關聯主題應該分成三大類。我根據句法測試及其訊息結構主張漢語的關聯主題句應該視為XP-分裂結句。我採用Fanselow and Cavár’s (2002)分布刪除分析,提出關聯主題句是透過一連串特徵檢驗過程而生成的。XP由兩個詞組所組成,此兩詞組在詞列階段已經和主題特徵與焦點特徵分別合併。在句法階段,則是分別在補詞層和詞彙層左緣功能投射組進行特徵檢驗。關聯主題句的生成顯示主題和焦點在詞列階段進入句法操作,透過特徵檢驗手段現行於句法結構樹上。
    非語句的結構儘管缺乏完整的句法骨架,但是可以蘊含子句標示、施為念力以及說話者/聽話者等言談訊息。承接Sigurðsson & Maling (2009)和Tsai (2016)的精神,我指出漢語非語句有完整補詞層結構,以句法形式實體化言談訊息。然而,不同於施用於關聯主題的特徵查核機制,我主張言談訊息並非在詞列階段就以形式特徵存在,取而代之的是透過言談行為投影層,分別由兩個言語行為功能投射組組成,分別體現了說話者與聽話者言談中的攸關性。
    本文所探討的兩種現象指出漢語擁有兩種手段使句法與言談銜接。第一種手段為在詞列階段,將訊息結構相關的特徵與詞彙項目合併。接著,在句法階段,透過在補詞層/詞彙層的左緣的相關功能投射組完成特徵檢驗。第二種手段則是透過言談行為投影層內的兩個言語行為功能投射組,將說話者與聽話者等相關言談概念,帶入句法層面。換言之,說話者與聽話者這兩種言談概念並非以形式特徵出現於詞列階段,而是由言語行為功能投射組來體現該概念。本文所提的兩種介面手段和漢語句法高分析性息息相關。除此之外,本文更進一步指出言談可以內化為語法的一部分。


    The goal of this dissertation is to investigate whether discourse notions are active in the syntactic computation or outside the domain of it. I document two phenomena in Mandarin, Aboutness Topic (AT) and Nonsententials (NS), whose interpretative import is acutely sensitive to the discourse context and needs to be syntactically substantiated in the articulated peripheral structure of CP/vP. In particular, I propose that there are two means to activate the syntax-discourse interface permitted by the computation system.
    Mandarin AT has been discussed at great length in the previous scholarship, and its designated position and information structural properties receive a variety of analyses. Nonetheless, I offer novel observations showing that AT in Mandarin can be analyzed on a par with XP-split constructions, according to a battery of diagnostics and its information structural makeup. Following Fanselow and Cavár’s (2002) analysis, I propose that AT results from successive feature-checking processes in which a XP, whose sub-parts are merged with two disparate features (topic and focus) in the numeration, permits its subparts to undergo feature checking in corresponding functional projections and to be spelt out differently in the left periphery of CP/vP. The case of AT concludes that topic and focus are accessible in the numeration and corresponding functional projections are merged for feature-checking purposes in order for the derivation to converge.
    NSs, whose syntactic structure is considerably reduced, are able to encode clause typing information, illocutionary force and the involvement of SPEAKER and HEARER/ADDRESSEE. Following the line of reasoning in Sigurðsson & Maling (2009) and Tsai (2016), I propose that NSs have a fully-fledged peripheral structure of CP, according to the effects exerted upon their interpretation. Different from the feature-checking mechanism activated for AT, I argue that no discourse properties are accessible in the numeration and drive the derivation. Rather, a speech act layer, a supra-sentential layer, merges to and dominates ForceP, and is responsible for the encoding of the relevant discourse properties.
    The two phenomena of inquiry suggest two means to activate the syntax-discourse interface. On the one hand, the syntax-discourse interface can be activated by merging lexical items with strong informational structural features that have to be checked by corresponding function projections in the periphery of CP/vP, along the lines of Aboh’s (2010) view that the interface starts with the numeration. On the other hand, a cluster of discourse properties, such as SPEAKER and HEARER/ADDRESSEE, cannot be treated as formal features driving the derivation and, however, can be concretized by another supra-sentential layer, the speech act layer. The two means are made available due to the analyticity of Mandarin syntax. The major consequence of this work is to show that the theory of discourse is closely tied to the architecture of grammar in general.

    Abstract I 摘要 II Acknowledgements III Abbreviations VIII Contents IX CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1. The synopsis: The division of labor between syntax and discourse 1 1.1 Discourse in the module view of grammar 3 2. Topic and focus: Two views 9 3. The issues 16 3.1 Aboutness topic 16 3.2 Nonsententials 25 4. The proposal 28 4.1 The framework and assumptions 28 4.1.1 The cartographic view 28 4.1.2 The notion of topic, focus and contrast 28 4.1.2.1 Focus and contrast 30 4.1.2.2 Topic and contrast 33 4.1.2.3 Syntactic representations of topic, focus and contrast 36 4.2 Proposal I: AT as a split topicalization and a non-split topicalization 37 4.3 Proposal II: The sa*P analysis of NSs 39 5. The plan 40 CHAPTER 2 ABOUTNESS TOPIC: A COMPARATIVE STUDY 42 1. Setting the stage: Topichood, topic-comment and aboutness 42 2. Types of AT: Novel observations and generalizations 53 2.1 Information structural makeup of AT 54 2.2 Evidence for Ā-movement 57 2.2.1 Island effects 58 2.2.1.1 Complex NP island constraint 58 2.2.1.2 Sentential subject island constraint 60 2.2.2 The licensing of parasitic gaps 62 2.2.3 A mixture of A-movement and Ā-movement 65 2.2.4 Lexical identity effects 67 2.2.5 Summary 71 2.3 The topography of AT 72 2.3.1 The CP layer 73 2.3.2 The TP layer 77 2.3.3 Aboutness Topic-Focus dependency across two layers 81 2.3.4 Main clause phenomena 85 2.3.4.1 Adverbial clauses 85 2.3.4.2 Clausal complements of factive and subjunctive predicates 89 2.3.4.3 Summary 90 2.3.5 Right dislocation 91 2.4 Properties of fronted VP in AT VP (Type II) and (Type III) 93 2.4.1 The sentence-initial/medial VP in (Type II) and (Type III) as not a normal VP copy 93 2.4.2 Fronted VP in VP AT (Type II) as a bare VP 95 2.4.3 Fronted VP (Type III) not a purposive clause 100 2.5 Summary 104 3. Previous analyses 104 3.1 The distribution of Aboutness Topic 104 3.1.1 Frascarelli and Hinterhölzl (2003): Aboutness-Shift Topic in the left periphery of Italian 106 3.1.2 Badan and Del Gobbo (2011): Left periphery of Mandarin 108 3.2 The base generation-movement paradox 110 3.2.1 Shi (1992) 112 3.2.2 Xu (2006) 112 3.2.3 Cheung (2008) 115 3.2.4 Huang et al. (2009) 116 3.2.5 Jin (2014): A view from Generative Lexicon Theory 117 3.2.6 Jheng (2013, 2014): Predicate inversion analysis 118 3.2.7 Li (2000): Minimal effort 122 3.3 Summary 124 3.4 A criterial view of scope-semantics: Ā-movement of topic 125 4. Conclusion 127 CHAPER 3 THE SYNTAX OF ABOUTNESS TOPIC: SPLIT AND NON-SPLIT TOPICALIZATION 128 1. Setting the stage: Rethinking Aboutness Topic 128 2. A view from XP-split constructions 136 3. TOP-REM asymmetry 138 4. Previous studies 148 4.1 Landau (2006): Chain resolution in V(P)-fronting- P-recoverability and economy of pronunciation 148 4.2 Ott (2014): A biclausal analysis of contrastive Topic 154 4.3 Ott (2011, 2015): A symmetry-beaking approach to split topicalization 158 4.4 Summary 161 5. The proposal 162 5.1 Bare predicative structure 162 5.2 Fanselow and Ćavar (2002a): Distributed deletion approach 166 5.3 Two peripheries : Two syntax-discourse interface domains 174 6. The derivation 178 6.1 AT NP (Type I) 178 6.2 AT VP (Type II) 182 6.3 AT VP (Type III) 184 6.4 Summary 186 7. AT at the syntax-discourse Interface 187 CHAPTER 4 THE SYNTAX-DISCOURSE PROPERTIES OF NONSENTENTIALS 191 1. Setting the stage 191 2. The story and problem 193 3. Mandarin nonsententials 202 3.1 Surface nonsententials in Mandarin 202 3.2 Two types of nonsententials in Mandarin 205 3.2.1 NP Nonsententials 206 3.2.2 AdjP/AdvP Nonsententials 207 3.3 Summary 209 4. The peripheral structures of NSs 211 4.1 Sentence-final particles in the CP Layer 212 4.2 The utterance-final ni as a vocative phrase 218 4.3 Summary 221 5. Previous approaches 222 5.1 Xmax Generalization (Barton 1990, 1998) 222 5.2 Extension of Xmax Generalization (Barton and Progovac 2005) 224 5.3 Simple Syntax Hypothesis (Culicover and Jackendoff 2005) 228 5.4 The phasal nonsententials (Fortin 2007) 230 5.5 The syntax of little things (Valmala 2007) 233 5.6 Dislocated topics in French nonsententials (De Cat 2013) 235 5.7 Summary 237 6. Conclusion 239 CHAPER 5 THE SA*P ANALYSIS OF NONSENTENTIALS 240 1. Recapitulation 240 2. Ordering restrictions 243 2.1 Discourse particles in Mandarin Nonsententials: eh2, oh and xu2 243 2.2 NS-initial and utterance-final vocative phrase 248 3. Speech act layer in the CP periphery 249 3.1 sa*P and SAP (Speas and Tenny 2003; Tenny 2006) 249 3.2 The discourse particle né in West Flemish (Haegeman and Hill 2013; Haegeman 2014) 253 3.3 The Korean discourse particle –yo (Choi 2016) 257 3.4 Refutatory sentence-final adjunct ‘what’ in Mandarin (Yang 2017a, b) 259 3.5 Summary 263 4. Proposal 263 4.1 Silent functional structure of NSs and FocusP 263 4.2 Sentence-final particles as ForceP 266 4.3 Discourse particles and the vocative phrase: SA0-to-sa0* movement 269 4.4 The structure of nonsententials 272 5. Conclusion 275 CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION 279 REFERENCES 281

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