研究生: |
陳葦珊 Chen, Wei-Shan |
---|---|
論文名稱: |
北部阿美語勺會厭肌塞音、喉塞音 及滑音之音韻地位研究 Phonological Status of Epiglottal Stops, Glottal Stops and Glides in the Northern Dialect of Amis |
指導教授: |
黃慧娟
Huang, Hui-Chuan |
口試委員: |
謝豐帆
Hsieh, Feng-Fan 盧郁安 Lu, Yu-An |
學位類別: |
碩士 Master |
系所名稱: |
人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics |
論文出版年: | 2017 |
畢業學年度: | 105 |
語文別: | 英文 |
論文頁數: | 107 |
中文關鍵詞: | 北部阿美語 、荳蘭部落 、元音串 、勺會厭肌塞音 、喉塞音加插 、衍生滑音 、滑音加插 |
外文關鍵詞: | Northern dialect of Amis, Nataoran, vowel sequence, epiglottal stop, glottal stop epenthesis, derived glide, glide epenthesis |
相關次數: | 點閱:2 下載:0 |
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相較於其他方言,以阿美語北部方言為研究對象的音韻研究甚少,因此本論文以北部方言荳蘭阿美語為研究對象,描述其整體語音及音韻現象,包含歷時流音同化(diachronic liquid harmony)、央元音刪略(schwa deletion)及實詞最小基本音長(minimal word requirement)等,做為音韻分析之基礎。其後呈現本研究之主要議題,分別深入探討喉塞音、勺會厭肌塞音(epiglottal stop)及滑音的音韻地位,同時亦以元音串之修補策略貫穿全文。
勺會厭肌塞音在荳蘭阿美語中為獨立音位,由古南島語*q演變而來,在元音前容易與喉塞音混淆。而不同於大部分的文獻,本文認為喉塞音在荳蘭阿美語中不具音位地位。由於阿美語不允許表層的元音串,喉塞音藉由加插出現於元音串、元音為首之詞幹前與元音結尾之詞幹後。本文亦提出央元音刪略與喉塞音加插之互動,導致音韻晦澀性(opacity),並利用以優選理論為框架的候選項鏈優選理論(OT-CC)分析之。荳蘭阿美語中的滑音在文獻中並無太多著墨,而本文認為滑音[j]與[w]採用兩種機制於表層出現,以滿足音韻考量,其一為透過滑音形成(glide formation),由於音節內部結構的歸屬(syllabic affiliation),底層之高元音[i]與[u]劃分至在聲母及韻尾成為衍生滑音。另一為透過滑音加插(glide epenthesis),避免違反基本音韻原則。
元音串修補策略亦為本文探討的相關議題,並以優選理論(Optimality Theory)分析三種相互競爭的修補策略:喉塞音加插、滑音形成及滑音加插。值得注意的是,當元音串的成分由跨詞素的元音組成,荳蘭阿美語呈現出前綴-詞根與後綴-詞根的不對稱性,當元音串跨越後綴與詞根,其修補策略為與詞根內部的元音串一致。然而即使語境相同,當元音串跨越前綴與詞根,則採用截然不同的修補策略。
This thesis aims at clarifying the phonological status and related issues of the two guttural consonants, epiglottal stops and glottal stops, and the two glides [w] and [j] of Nataoran Amis, which belongs to Northern dialect.
To provide an overall picture, general phonology including diachronic data is provided in the first place. The presented consonant inventory foreshows the phonemic status of glottal stop, epiglottal stop and the two glides.
Epiglottal stop is considered as a phoneme which is the regular reflex of Proto-Austronesian (PAn) phoneme *q. Glottal stops, on the other hand, are shown to be environmentally conditioned. [ʔ] are epenthetic segments that presents as the repair strategy for resolving vowel sequences, vowel-initial and vowel-final words. In addition, the counterbleeding opacity between the processes of [ʔ]-epenthesis and optionally /ə/-deletion is observed and further analyzed in the framework of Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC, McCarthy 2007). As for the two glides, the occurrence of [j] and [w] are also proved to be phonologically conditioned, through either glide formation or glide epenthesis.
Apart from the phonemic status of the four dubious sounds, vowel sequence resolution strategies are also captured throughout the thesis and analyzed under the framework of Optimality Theory (McCarthy and Prince 1993b, Prince and Smolensky 1993). Three competitive repair strategies, [ʔ]-epenthesis, glide formation and glide epenthesis, resolve the problem of underlying vowel sequences. It shall be noted that the repair strategy employed for vowel sequences spanning across prefix-root boundaries is different from the one applied across suffix-root boundaries and root-internal position, even if the phonological environments are exactly the same.
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