本文探討雅美語的音位系統、音節劃分、重音分布，及母音、滑音互動。筆者將本文分為三個部分討論：第一部分，從音韻、構詞，及歷史變化來探討雅美語的音位系統，並著重討論塞擦音及咽喉音。第二部分討論雅美語的音節分類、結構與劃分，特別描述衍生音節[CGV(C)]的語音組合。第三部分則討論底層滑音以及衍生滑音之生成，並以優選論分析之。
本文發現有聲小舌摩擦音/ʁ/防止兩個後低元音/aʁa/母音刪除，故屬於音位。而同音節的子音串不被雅美語接受，會以母音加插、加綴或跨詞素的音節分配來避免同音節子音串。
在衍生音節方面，本文探討衍生音節[CwV(C)]的音節首與續接的滑音[w]之間語音上之相關性。另一方面，[CjV(C)] 音節中，本文推論，過去阻音在顎化為塞擦音後，形成衍生音節，進而在當代演變成獨立音位。當代塞擦音在/CV(C)/音節產生的滑音[j]為發音時的過度音，而非由母音衍生而來的滑音。顎化子音[ɲ, ɕ, ɮ]也可能由此過程，在未來形成音位。
在元音、滑音的互動方面，本文探討底層滑音與衍生滑音的分布與互動。雅美語的[vocalic]特徵也必須維持一致，音素底層之[vocalic]特徵與其音段的音節位置互相牽連：音節的[vocalic]特徵決定了音段在音節的位置；加插音段會填補其在音節的位置。不論衍生音節或一般音節，都遵守相同的一組優選論限制(constraint hierarchy)。

This thesis gives an overview of the Yami phonemic inventory, syllabification, stress, and the interaction of vowel-glide sequences. The three topics are interrelated to each other.
This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the phonemic status of segments through phonological, morphological, and historical evidence. The phonemic statuses of the affricates and pharyngeal segments are the focuses. Yami syllable structure and their constraints for derived syllables [CGV(C)] are depicted in the second part. The third part introduces the underlying glides and derived glides in the OT framework.
The voiced uvular fricative /ʁ/ is proved to block vowel deletion in /aʁa/ sequence. Tautosyllabic consonant clusters do not exist in Yami. Epenthesis, affixation or cross-morphemic resyllabification are ways for Yami to repair ill-formed syllables.
As for derived syllables, a potential acoustic account for onset and the following vocalic glide [w] in derived syllable [CwV(C)]. I assume that [t͡ɕjV(C)] or [d͡z jV(C)] syllables are developed from optionally derived syllable [CjV(C)] of /CVV(C)/ but now the affricate is phonemic and [CjV(C)] is the surface form of /CV(C)/. It implies that the [CjVC] syllable causes affricates to go through phonemicization, and the glide [j] therefore becomes a transitional segment. It is likely for [ɲ, ɕ, ɮ] becoming phonemic in the future because /n, ʂ, l/ have tendency to form [CjV(C)] syllable.
In the third part, the underlying glides and the derived glides are delineated and distinguished. The hierarchy of OT constraints accounts for how underlying glides, epenthetic glides, and vocalic glides interact in prosodic words. The consistent [vocalic] feature and the syllable position are correlated: the [vocalic] feature of the segment determines the segment’s position in a syllable; the [vocalic] feature of an epenthetic glide must fit the syllable structure.

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