原始布農語音韻系統與詞彙的重建｜國立清華大學博碩士論文庫

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研究生：	柴田海 Shibata, Kye
論文名稱：	原始布農語音韻系統與詞彙的重建 A Reconstruction of Proto-Bunun Phonology and Lexicon
指導教授：	廖秀娟 Liao, Hsiu-Chuan
口試委員:	黃慧娟 Huang, Hui-Chuan 戴智偉 DeBusser, Rik
學位類別：	碩士 Master
系所名稱：	人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics
論文出版年：	2020
畢業學年度：	108
語文別：	英文
論文頁數：	208
中文關鍵詞：	語言學、歷史語言學、比較方法、布農語、南島語
外文關鍵詞：	Linguistics, Historical linguistics, Comparative Method, Bunun, Austronesian
相關次數：	點閱：2 下載：0
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本論文以比較方法(the Comparative Method)重建原始布農語並重新檢視布農語五個方言(卡社方言、卓社方言、巒社方言、丹社方言、郡社方言)之分群關係。原始布農語共有十六個輔音音位(*p, *t, *k, *q, *ʔ, *b, *d, *g, *s, *c, *h, *v, *ð, *m, *n, *ŋ, *l)及三個元音音位(*a, *i, *u)。本文之重建有三處異於李壬癸(1988)之重建：首先，李(1988)僅重建原始布農語之音韻系統，並未觸及原始布農語詞彙的重建。本論文除了重建音韻系統之外，亦重建原始布農語的詞彙。其次，本論文不重建*b和*d於原始布農語的詞尾位置。最後，本文論證原始南島語的*l在原始布農語中發生兩種不同的變化: (i)在詞首位置，*l變為*h，(ii)在其餘位置則完全脫落。
本論文依原始布農語重建的結果及各方言在音韻或詞彙上的創新將布農語的五個方言分為三群：(i)卡社和卓社方言因有數個共同的詞彙創新(如: lakda 『石頭』等)而組成北部布農語群；(ii)巒社和丹社方言也因具有共同的詞彙創新(如: simaq 『誰』等)而組成中部布農語群；(iii)郡社布農語則單獨組成南部布農語群。除此之外，三個方言群中的任兩個方言群並無法組成更大的方言群因為任兩個方言群之間並未具有明確可做為分群依據的共同的音韻創新或詞彙創新。
此外，本論文也檢視原始布農語詞彙與白樂斯(Blust and Trussel, ongoing)所重建的原始南島語詞彙之間的關係，指出從原始南島語到原始布農語的規律音變。不規則的音變主要可歸因於兩個因素：(i)原始布農語中來自其他台灣南島語(特別是西部平埔語群)的借詞；(ii)白樂斯所重建的原始南島語詞彙形式不正確。
本論文主要有三個貢獻: (i)原始布農語音韻系統之重建; (ii)指出原始布農語內的借詞及其對於重建的影響; (iii)原始布農語450多個詞條的重建。

This thesis provides a reconstruction of Proto-Bunun based on the five extant Bunun dialects: Takituduh, Takibakha, Takbanuaz, Takivatan, and Isbukun. The reconstructed phonemic inventory consists of the consonants *p, *t, *k, *q, *ʔ, *b, *d, *s, *c, *h, *v, *ð, *m, *n, *ŋ, and *l, with a three-vowel system consisting of *a, *i, and *u. This reconstruction improves upon Li’s (1988) reconstruction in several key ways. First, a wordlist of reconstructed forms is provided, while Li focused mostly on the reconstructed phonology. Second, word-final *b and *d are not reconstructed at the Proto-Bunun level, and an alternative explanation involving paradigmatic regularization in verbs is provided to account for their appearance in the Isbukun dialect. Third, Proto-Austronesian *l is shown to be reflected as Proto-Bunun *h in word-initial position, and deleted elsewhere.
Based on this reconstruction, the subgrouping of Bunun dialects is reconsidered, and new evidence, based primarily on shared lexical innovations, is provided to justify a subgrouping which is more theoretically sound than that provided by Li (1988). The subgrouping of Takituduh and Takibakha as a Northern Bunun subgroup is justified by several lexical innovations (e.g. lakda ‘stone’), and the subgrouping of Takivatan and Takbanuaz as a Central Bunun subgroup is also justified by lexical innovations (e.g. simaq ‘who’). The final subgroup, Southern Bunun, consists solely of Isbukun. Further subgrouping is not supported by sufficient phonological or lexical evidence.
The relationship of Proto-Bunun and Proto-Austronesian as reconstructed by Blust (Blust and Trussel, ongoing) is also considered in detail. Regular reflexes of Proto-Austronesian phonemes in Proto-Bunun are identified more clearly, and apparent exceptions are shown to be a result of loans into Proto-Bunun from neighboring Austronesian languages, or flawed reconstructed forms in Proto-Austronesian.

Abstract    ii
Chinese Abstract    iv
Acknowledgements    v
Table of Contents    vii
List of Tables    x
List of Figures    xii
Abbreviations    xiii

Chapter 1: Introduction    1
1 The Bunun language    2
1.1 Overview    2
1.2 Dialects of Bunun    3
1.3 Bunun within the Austronesian language family    5
2 Goals and methodology    6
2.1 Objectives of this thesis    6
2.2 Methodology    7
2.3 Sources of data    9
2.4 Orthography and writing conventions    11
3 Outline of the thesis    14

Chapter 2: Li’s Reconstruction and Subgrouping: A Review    15
1 Reconstruction of Proto-Bunun (Li 1988)    15
1.1 Proto-Bunun phonology    15
1.2 History of Proto-Bunun phonemes    21
2 Classification of dialects (Li 1988)    23
2.1 Phonological evidence given by Li    23
2.2 Lexical evidence given by Li    26
3 Issues with the proposed subgrouping    28
3.1 Issues with the phonological evidence    28
3.2 Issues with the lexical evidence    32
4 Summary    35

Chapter 3: Phonology of Bunun Dialects    37
1 Phonemic inventories    37
1.1 Phonemic inventory of Takituduh    37
1.2 Phonemic inventory of Takibakha    41
1.3 Phonemic inventory of Takbanuaz    45
1.4 Phonemic inventory of Takivatan    49
1.5 Phonemic inventory of Isbukun    53
2 Phonemic status of the glottal stop    57
3 Syllabic and word structure    58
4 Stress    59
5 Summary    60

Chapter 4: Reconstruction of Proto-Bunun Phonology    62
1 Phonemic inventory    62
2 Historical development    71
3 Word-final *b and *d in Proto-Bunun    80
4 Proto-Bunun stress    84
5 Summary    86

Chapter 5: Reconstructing the Proto-Bunun Lexicon: Methodology and Issues    87
1 Competing forms    87
2 Loans in Proto-Bunun    101
2.1 Possible source languages    104
2.2 Western Plains languages as a source    106
2.3 The semantic fields of the loans and their implications    110
3 Summary    111

Chapter 6: Subgrouping of Bunun Dialects    113
1 Proposed subgrouping    113
2 Evidence for Northern Bunun    114
3 Evidence for Central Bunun    120
4 Regarding Southern Bunun    126
5 Possible further subgrouping    128
5.1 Northern-Central Bunun    128
5.2 Central-Southern Bunun    132
6 Summary    136

Chapter 7: Implications for Proto-Austronesian Reconstructions    139
1 The reflex of PAn *l    140
2 Problematic Proto-Austronesian reconstructions    144
2.1 PAn *qaCipa ‘soft shelled turtle’    145
2.2 PAn *alujah ‘ant’    146
2.3 PAn *lalay ‘cicada’    147
2.5 PAn *bulaw ‘gold color’    148
2.6 PAn *quləs ‘clothing’    149
2.7 PAn *asaŋ ‘village’    149
3 Summary    150

Chapter 8: Conclusion    152
1 Summary    152
2 Remaining questions and future work    153
2.1 The glottal stop    154
2.2 Vowel length and stress    155
2.3 Paradigmatic regularization in Isbukun    155
2.4 Isbukun as a dialect group    156
2.5 Comparisons beyond phonological and lexical innovations    157

References    158

Appendix I: All Proto-Austronesian reflexes    162
Appendix II: Reflexes of Proto-Austronesian schwa    167
Appendix III: Reflexes of Proto-Austronesian *l    168
Appendix IV: Proto-Bunun wordlist    169
Appendix V: Comparative Bunun Wordlist    175
                                

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