研究生: |
謝易達 I-Ta Chris Hsieh |
---|---|
論文名稱: |
漢語的泛稱句與副詞量化 Genericity and Adsverbial Quantification: From a Chinese Perspective |
指導教授: |
林宗宏博士
Dr. Tzong -Hong Jonah Lin |
口試委員: | |
學位類別: |
碩士 Master |
系所名稱: |
人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics |
論文出版年: | 2004 |
畢業學年度: | 92 |
語文別: | 英文 |
論文頁數: | 85 |
中文關鍵詞: | 副詞量化 、泛稱性 、泛稱 、漢語 |
外文關鍵詞: | adverbial quantification, genericity, generics, Chinese |
相關次數: | 點閱:3 下載:0 |
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漢語的泛稱句與副詞量化
謝易達
國立清華大學語言學研究所
本篇論文主要在討論泛稱性(genericity)和副詞量化(adverbial quantification)在漢語中表現的情形。從漢語的角度來看,泛稱性可分為兩個層次:一個是動貌的泛稱性(the aspectual generic),另一個為情態的泛稱性(the modalistic generic)。在動貌泛稱性中,其內延性(intensionality)是表現在時間標記(time index)上。換句話說,一個動貌泛稱句在不同的時間間隔上會的到相同的外延。量化副詞在動貌泛稱句中只表示了一種機率的評量(probability judgment),在個體(individual)上並沒有展現量化的效應(quantificational effect)。理論上,中文的動貌泛稱句恰好符合Carlson (1977a, 1977b, 1982)所提出的單元分析法(monadic analysis)。泛稱運符Gn作為AspP的中心語並將謂語提升到一個更高的層次。在動貌泛稱句中的量化副詞則由Gn所應允(license)。
不同於動貌泛稱句,情態泛稱句的內延性則是表現在可能世界(possible world)上。在情態泛稱句中,量化副詞的情態特性(modal property)由泛稱情態助動詞「會」所彰顯。稱情態助動詞「會」作為ModP的中心語並應允量化副詞的出現。在情態泛稱句中的量化副詞所量化的對象為可能世界。情態泛稱句的分析剛好可套用Heim (1982), Kratzer (1995) 和Diesing (1992)所提出的量化分析法(quantificational approach)。
上述對漢語的泛稱性所提出的分析恰巧可解決長久以來的關於泛稱性該由單元分析法抑或量化分析法來處理的爭議。由漢語中的情形可得知,這兩種方法是作用在不同的層次,並非互相違背。在句法上,上述對於漢語泛稱句的分析恰巧為Cinque (1999)所提出的副詞位階(Adverbial Hierarchy)與副詞應允(Adverbial Licensing)提供佐證。
Genericity and Adverbial Quantification: From the Chinese Perspective
I.-Ta Chris Hsieh
Graduate Institute of Linguistics
National Tsing Hua University
Abstract
Thesis focuses on the generics and adverbial quantification in Mandarin Chinese. I propose that there are two levels of genericity in Mandarin Chinese. On is the aspectual generic, and the other is the modalistic generic. The aspectual generic behaves intensionally with respect to time index. It has the same extension on time intervals. In the aspectual generic, Q-adverbs do not have quantificational effect over individuals. They can only have the pure frequency reading and are probability judgments (Cohen (1999)). Theoretically, the aspectual generic fits in the monadic analysis proposed by Carlson (1977a), (1977b) and (1982). And the Operator Gn heads the projection AspP, lifting a predicate into a corresponding higher-level one and licensing the non-relational Q-adverbs. Unlike the aspectual generic, the modalistic generic behaves intensionally with respect to possible worlds. The modal property of the Q-adverbs in the modalistic generic is explicitly realized by the generic modal hui. The generic modal hui heads the projection ModP and licenses the relational Q-adverbs. The analysis is along the line of Dahl (1975), Heim (1982) and Chierchia (1995b).
If the analysis to genericity in Mandarin Chinese is on the right tract, the long-last controversy between the monadic approach (Carlson (1977a), (1977b), (1982)) and the quantificational approach (Heim (1982), Diesing (1992), Kratzer (1995), etc.) can be eased. These two approaches do not contradict each other; they work on different levels. The overt morphological marking of the Chinese generic provides evidence for these two levels of genericity. Moreover, these two levels of genericity also provide a piece of evidence for the adverbial licensing and adverbial hierarchy proposed by Cinque (1999). In addition, I also show that other languages such as English and the Southern Min also exhibits such a two-level genericity.
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