過往探究中國戶口不平等的研究，多聚焦於持有農業戶口但從事非農工作的「農民工」，並強調其中農業與非農戶口的斷裂。然而，「流動」作為並存於農民工群體上戶口不平等的另一維度，卻較少受到關注。本文結合「農業／非農」與「流動／本地」兩個向度，建構四類戶口身分，藉以捕捉過往研究較少受關注的「流動非農戶口者」。
本文嘗試進一步探問：戶口身分是否及如何影響個體的政治參與？本研究提出「公民身分差序的行動力」作為解釋機制，以描繪「身處具位階性、差序且倒置權利的公民身分體制中，個體因未完整享有公民身分而採取行動（或無法行動）」的情形。不過，由於中國政府對於「行動力」高度戒備，使得儘管絕大多數政治參與都已被制度化，但國家對特定參與形式（如上訪）仍保持高度敵意。本文據此從國家視角出發，將政治參與依據「敵意／好感」與「在地／跨地域」兩軸類型化，並指出大多數參與形式落在「好感—在地」及「敵意—跨地域」的空間。然而，伴隨戶籍制度而來的高度地域性政治參與想像，又嚴重限縮流動人口政治表達途徑的選擇。這讓流動人口在參與公共生活時面對極強的結構性困境：當他們透過不受地域限制的管道參與公共事務，往往更容易被國家視為潛在威脅。
本文以2021年中國社會狀況綜合調查為資料，透過二元邏輯斯迴歸分析、KHB中介分析與分層分析檢證以下兩項命題：（1）流動人口較無法採取國家所樂見的參與形式；且在特定條件下，他們更可能採取國家所敵視的政治行動；（2）客觀的社會權利、主觀的不公平感、主觀的政治態度與教育程度，可以部分解釋政治參與的戶口身分差異。
不同戶口身分者可能採取什麼樣的政治參與形式？研究結果顯示：（1）「本地農業戶口者」主要透過參與基層選舉表達意見。（2）「本地非農戶口者」活躍於各類型政治參與。（3）長期被中國政府視為假想敵的「流動農業戶口者」，不僅被排除於在地參與之外，還因為公民身分差序的外溢效應，其他形式政治表達管道亦受限。（4）過往研究較忽略的「流動非農戶口者」，憑藉較高的教育程度，更傾向透過網路、媒體及組織等途徑參與公共事務。並且，社會權利、不公平感、政治態度都能部分中介戶口身分的作用。不過，即便已將上述因素納入考量，仍無法彌平兩類流動人口在基層選舉參與上的劣勢，意味著制度排除仍持續存在。對此，部分流動人口可能轉而尋找替代性政治參與途徑：受過高等教育的「流動農業戶口者」，參與維權上訪的機率更高；而「流動非農戶口者」的高教育水平使他們展現出更高的組織參與動能。
整體來說，這些結果反映「公民身分差序的行動力」不僅是制度排除的後果，也展現流動人口在高度受限縮空間中的行動可能。即便本研究尚有諸多限制，但希望藉此提供理解當代中國戶籍制度、公民身分與公民參與的視角。

Agricultural migrant workers—individuals who hold agricultural hukou but work in non-agricultural sectors—have been a focal point in studies on hukou inequality in the People's Republic of China. While prior studies have explored the disparities between agricultural and non-agricultural hukou, most have overlooked migration status as a critical dimension of hukou inequality. Thus, the paper categorizes hukou status into a fourfold typology based on two dimensions: agricultural/non-agricultural and migrant/local. It identifies non-agricultural hukou migrants, which have received little attention in previous research.
This study proposes the concept of activism shaped by differential citizenship to interpret whether and how hukou status shapes political participation. The mechanism captures the (in)action individuals take within a hierarchical, differential, and inverted citizenship regime. However, the PRC is highly wary of activism. Although most political participation has been institutionalized, the PRC remains intensely hostile toward certain types of institutionalized participation, such as petitioning (shangfang). Seeing like the PRC, this article typologizes political participation through the two dimensions of hostile and interterritorial. In the framework, most political participation falls into the local–favorable and interterritorial–hostile quadrants. However, the territorial imagination embedded in the hukou system has profoundly shaped political participation. It limits the political expression choices of migrants: when migrants engage through interterritorial channels, the PRC perceives that as a threat. This tension constitutes the structural dilemma of the political participation of migrants.
Drawing on data from the Chinese Social Survey 2021, this research employs binary logistic regression, KHB mediation analysis, and stratified analysis to verify two propositions: (1) Migrants are less likely to engage in state-favorability forms of political participation. Under certain conditions, they are more inclined to adopt forms of participation perceived by the state as hostility. (2) Differences in political participation by hukou status can be partially explained by social rights, perceived unfairness, political attitudes, and education level.
The findings indicate distinct patterns of political expression across hukou status: (1) Agricultural hukou locals express their opinions through grassroots elections. (2) Non-agricultural hukou locals actively participate in various political engagements. (3) Agricultural hukou migrants, long seen as an imaginary enemy by the government, are excluded from grassroots electoral participation and constrained in other forms of political expression. (4) Non-agricultural hukou migrants tend to have higher educational attainment and are more likely to express opinions via online platforms, media, or organizations. Furthermore, social rights, sense of unfairness, and political attitudes partially mediate the impact of hukou status on political participation. Despite accounting for these factors, migrants still lag behind locals in grassroots electoral participation. Some migrants seek alternative avenues for political engagement. For example, agricultural hukou migrants with higher education are more likely to engage in rights protection (weiquan) or petitions (shangfang); non-agricultural hukou migrants, benefiting from their high-level educational background, are more actively involved in the organization.
Overall, the activism shaped by differential citizenship reflects the consequence of institutional exclusion and the agency of migrants. It provides a perspective for understanding the hukou system, citizenship, and civic engagement in China.

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