本篇論文主要研究新竹縣尖石地區泰雅語賽考立克方言的疑問詞和無定疑問詞句型，並且以Rizzi(1997,1999)的理論來建構泰雅語賽考立克方言疑問句的左緣結構。前兩章介紹泰雅語的歷史背景、語法特性和相關的文獻回顧。第三章討論賽考立克方言中的疑問詞種類及其句法分佈，第四章則討論無定疑問詞的句型。第五章研究疑問詞hmswa/swa 「為什麼」和swa m’lu 「怎麼」的相對位置。
賽考立克方言的疑問詞可分為四大類，分別為名詞性、狀語性、動詞性及形容詞性等四類。其中，以狀語性疑問詞knwan 「何時」的分佈最為自由，違反主語優勢理論，蔡(2004a)的時態特徵假說能更合理地解釋此現象。形容詞性疑問詞可擔任中心語，也可擔任修飾語。
第四章討論賽考立克方言中的無定疑問句型，包括條件句、否定句、是非問句、情態句、直述句及驢子句。根據蔡維天教授(1997)的分析，將無定疑問句型分為三類：英語型、日語型及漢語型，再參照張仲良(1996)和陳(1999)的研究，比較噶瑪蘭語、鄒語、賽德克語、排灣語和泰雅語中疑問詞的無定用法，發現泰雅語與親屬關係較近的賽德克語一樣，在無定用法上與日語型和漢語型相似。
第五章探討賽考立克方言疑問句的左緣結構，進一步分析疑問詞hmswa/swa「為什麼」和swa m’lu「怎麼」的相對位置，得出後者的位置高於前者。另外，我們也觀察句法位置如何影響疑問詞hmswa/swa「為什麼」及mhananu「怎麼樣」的語意詮釋。

The paper studies wh-words as interrogatives and indefinites, and further the left periphery of the interrogative clauses in Squliq Atayal, a Formosan language spoken in Chian-shin, Hsinchu County. This thesis begins with the introduction for a sketch of Squliq Atayal and literature review.
We divide the interrogatives in Squliq Atayal into three types, namely, nominal, adverbial, and verbal interrogatives. All of the three types can function as the sentence-initial predicates. Among them, adverbial interrogative knwan occurs with the freest distribution, and Tsai’s (2004a) T feature hypothesis seems to offer a plausible explanation. We also discuss adjectival wh-words which can serve as either heads or modifiers, such as ima ‘whose’, kenu ‘which’, ktwa ‘how, how many/much’, pira ‘how many’, and mhananu ‘how’.
Furthermore, we discuss indefinite wh’s occurring in typical contexts for negative polarity items, including negation, yes-no questions, conditionals, modality sentences, declaratives and donkey sentences. There exists an overt or covert sentential operator which licenses wh-words to be interpreted as indefinites in these syntactic constructions. Based on Tsai’s (1997b) analysis, we give a comparison of wh-indefinites between Kavalan, Seediq, Tsou, Rukai and Atayal, and find that the indefinite Wh construals of Squliq is endowed with the mixed characteristics of Japanese-type and Chinese-type Languages.
Besides, we analyze the base-generation of two verbal interrogatives: hmswa/swa ‘why’ and swa m’lu ‘how come’, and further discover that swa m’lu occupies the higher position than hmswa/swa. Moreover, we also observe that syntactic distribution affects semantic interpretations of hmswa/swa ‘why’ and mhananu ‘how’.

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