研究生: |
黃維晨 Huang, Wei-chen |
---|---|
論文名稱: |
佳興排灣語動詞構詞研究 A Study of Verbal Morphology in Puljetji Paiwan |
指導教授: |
齊莉莎
Zeitoun, Elizabeth 曹逢甫 Tsao, Feng-fu |
口試委員: |
黃美金
Huang, Meei-jin 謝富惠 Hsieh, Fu-hui |
學位類別: |
碩士 Master |
系所名稱: |
人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics |
論文出版年: | 2012 |
畢業學年度: | 101 |
語文別: | 英文 |
論文頁數: | 288 |
中文關鍵詞: | 排灣語 、動詞構詞 、動詞分類 、主事性 、動名詞 |
外文關鍵詞: | Paiwan, verbal morphology, verb classification, agentivity, gerundive |
相關次數: | 點閱:2 下載:0 |
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本論文採用描述及歸納性的研究方法探討佳興排灣語的動詞構詞。討論的主題有三:動詞分類、詞綴構詞法、重疊構詞法。動詞分類是我討論詞綴與重疊這兩種主要構詞方式的基礎。
就動詞分類而言,本論文提出根據不同動詞在誘發「形素轉換」(morph alternation)的環境時所呈現的構詞特徵,佳興排灣語可區分出五類動詞:(一)呈現ma-/ka-轉換的動詞、(二)呈現Ø/ka-轉換的動詞、(三)呈現<em>/Ø轉換的動詞、(四)呈現m/p轉換的動詞、(五)沒有顯著形素轉換的動詞。前兩類動詞可統稱為「靜態動詞」,因為他們在誘發形素轉換的環境中帶有ka-1 ‘靜態;靜態動名詞’這個標記。後三類動詞可統稱為「非靜態動詞」,因為他們在誘發形素轉換的環境中不帶有ka-1這個靜態標記。
本論文也探討佳興排灣語動詞的直述句主事者語態形式與其相對應的轉換形式(用於誘發形素轉換的環境)間是否有任何句法或語意上的差異。研究結果顯示:就句法而言,兩種型式都可能出現在名詞的句法位置;就語意而言,動詞的直述句主事者語態形式通常表示具有主事性或主動性的語意,而其轉換形式通常表示非主事性或非主動性的語意。若進一步考量到以下這件事實:在佳興排灣語中,<em>還可以用來衍生某些已作為主事者語態動詞使用的字(包括多數呈現Ø/ka-轉換的靜態動詞以及許多帶有k-或p-開頭詞綴的非靜態動詞),則上述研究結果將強烈暗示著<em>的主要功能在於標記主事性(agentivity)或主動性(activity)而非一般認為的「主事者語態」。
就詞綴構詞法而言,本論文檢視了佳興排灣語中約120個詞綴的形式與功能,發現許多通常接名詞詞基的靜態型詞綴跟處所型詞綴也曾接動詞詞根來衍生新字。這點發現顯示動詞的轉換形式(包括詞根)不僅在句法上具有名詞性,在語意上可能也不若我們所預設的那麼像「動詞」。
就重疊構詞法而言,本論文檢視了佳興排灣語中的三大重疊結構,發現他們的功能都具有高度象似性(iconicity)。因為詞根性重疊的語意功能往往只與詞基本身的語意特徵相關,而與詞基的構詞特徵(包括動詞類別)或詞性無關,因而無法拿來檢視前述動詞分類的可信度。完全重疊同樣不能用以討論動詞分類,因為它已經不再是當代使用的構詞方式。相對而言,Ca-重疊或可用於檢視佳興排灣語的動詞分類,因為它通常會接非靜態動詞詞根來標記「分布」(distributive)(或「相互」)這類的語意功能。
This thesis provides an induction-based, descriptive study of verbal morphology in Puljetji Paiwan. It covers three topics: verb classification, affixation, and reduplication. Verb classification provides a base to discuss affixation and reduplication, the two primary morphological processes in Puljetji Paiwan.
This thesis proposes that verbs in Puljetji Paiwan can be classified into five classes on the basis of morphological criteria (e.g. pattern of morph alternation that each verb exhibits). The five classes of verbs in Puljetji Paiwan are: (i) verbs with ma-/ka- alternation, (ii) verbs with Ø/ka- alternation, (iii) verbs with <em>/Ø alternation, (iv) verbs with m/p alternation, and (v) verbs without overt alternation. The first two classes of verbs can be referred to as ‘stative verbs’ because they are characterized by the marking of ka-1 ‘stative; stative gerundivization’ on their alternant forms. The last three classes of verbs are not marked by ka-1 in triggering environments of morph alternation and are thus referred to as ‘non-stative verbs’.
This thesis also studies the syntactic and semantic contrasts between indicative actor voice (AV) forms and their corresponding alternant forms and reaches two findings. First, both forms can be analyzed as syntactically-defined nominals. Second, indicative AV forms usually denote agentive/non-gerundive and/or active meanings while their corresponding alternant forms express non-agentive/gerundive and/or inactive meanings. These findings (summarized as the ‘gerundive hypothesis’), together with the fact that <em> can be further attached to syntactically-defined AV verbs such as stative verbs with Ø/ka- alternation and non-stative verbs marked with k- or p-initial affixes, strongly imply that <em> primarily marks agentivity (and/or activity) rather than indicative actor voice in Puljetji Paiwan.
After studying the forms and functions of some 120 affixes in Puljetji Paiwan, this thesis shows that many semantically-defined stative and locative affixes, which usually take unambiguous nominal bases, have been used to derive words with verbal roots. This fact suggests that verbal roots in Puljetji Paiwan may not be so ‘verbal’ as we could expect. Instead, they are semantically (as well as syntactically) more nominal-like.
This thesis also shows that reduplication in Puljetji Paiwan typically encodes iconic functions. Root reduplication marks iconic meanings across different verb classes and thus cannot be used to evaluate the proposed verb classification in Puljetji Paiwan. Total reduplication is also not taken into consideration because it is no longer used in word-formation. By contrast, Ca- reduplication may be used to discuss verb classification because it usually mark distributive (and/or reciprocal) on non-stative verbal roots.
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