卡社布農語的元音型態：中元音與雙元音｜國立清華大學博碩士論文庫

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研究生：	潘俞翔 Pan, Samuel Yu-Hsiang
論文名稱：	卡社布農語的元音型態：中元音與雙元音 Vowel Patterns in Takibakha Bunun: Mid Vowels and Diphthongs
指導教授：	黃慧娟 Huang, Hui-chuan Jennifer
口試委員:	李佩容 Lee, Amy Pei-jung 謝豐帆 Hsieh, Feng-Fan
學位類別：	碩士 Master
系所名稱：	人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics
論文出版年：	2020
畢業學年度：	108
語文別：	英文
論文頁數：	133
中文關鍵詞：	卡社布農語、元音型態、中元音、雙元音
外文關鍵詞：	Takibakha Bunun, vowel patterns, mid vowel, diphthong
相關次數：	點閱：1 下載：0
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本論文探討卡社布農語中元音與雙元音的元音型態。早期研究將布農語的中元音單純視為雙元音的音位變體，而後期研究直接將中元音當做獨立音位，過度強調語音卻忽略了不同詞彙類別中的元音型態。為了更瞭解中元音與雙元音之間的關係，筆者列出以下三種情形進行討論：加綴形式、重疊詞及借詞。
首先，筆者指出中元音與雙元音的交替情形可視為一種「位置中立化」(positional neutralization)，雙元音在非詞尾位置轉為中元音。此現象可從加綴形式中的元音型態及音節分布的相關語料清楚理解。據此，筆者以 Beckman (1997)的「位置信實性」(positional faithfulness)理論提出分析。
而重疊詞中的元音型態，筆者針對卡社布農語中的兩種重疊形式進行討論：完全重疊(total reduplication)與詞彙化重疊(lexicalized reduplication)。由於 BR-identity的介入，雙元音可保留於非詞尾位置。而詞彙化重疊的中元音則稍顯複雜，根據重音型態及其與「位置信實性」分析的相容性，筆者認為，從共時觀點來看，中元音確實可視為音位。而中元音與雙元音之間的連繫應從歷時發展討論。
至於借詞的部分，筆者採用Itô & Mester (1995) 的「核心-邊緣」理論模型(Core-Periphery model)，分析「同化」與「未同化」兩大類借詞的元音型態。我們更可以結合前述的「位置信實性」，觀察其與「核心-邊緣」模型中的制約互動。
最後，筆者提出一些未來研究的議題：中元音與高元音低化、「位置信實性」中「顯著性位置」(prominent position)的性質、方言變異下的社會因素、跨語言比較。

This thesis investigates patterns of mid vowels and diphthongs in Takibakha Bunun. Earlier studies regarded mid vowels as a simple variation of diphthongs, while later studies treated mid vowels in Takibakha Bunun as independent phonemes, putting too much emphasis on the phonetic distinction and ignoring patterns in different lexical categories. In order to have a clearer understanding of the relationship between mid vowels and diphthongs, in this thesis I investigate vowel patterns in three cases: suffixation, reduplication, and loanwords.
I will first demonstrate that the alternation of mid vowels and diphthongs can be regarded as positional neutralization, with diphthongs becoming mid vowels in non-final positions. This phenomenon can be best understood in consideration of the data from vowel patterns in suffixation and syllable type distribution. Based on this generalization, I provide an analysis using the positional faithfulness schema (Beckman 1997).
Concerning vowel patterns in reduplication, two types of reduplication in Takibakha Bunun are examined: total reduplication and lexicalized reduplication. With BR-identity playing a role in reduplicated words, diphthongs can be retained in non-final positions. The case of mid vowels in lexicalized reduplication is somewhat more complicated, however. Based on the evidence of stress patterns and compatibility with a positional faithfulness analysis, I argue that, from a synchronic standpoint, mid vowels can be taken as independent phonemes. That being said, the relationship between mid vowels and diphthongs should be examined from a diachronic perspective.
Concerning vowel patterns in loanwords, I use Core-Periphery model (Itô and Mester 1995) to account for patterns in assimilated and unassimilated loanwords. As positional faithfulness schema is well-built, we can have a further look into its interaction with other constraints in Core-Periphery model.
Finally, I suggest some issues worthy of further research: the relationship between mid vowels and high vowel lowering; the nature of prominent position in a positional faithfulness framework; social factors in dialectal variation; and cross-linguistic comparison.

Acknowledgements    i
Chinese Abstract    iii
English Abstract    v
Table of Contents    vii
List of Figures    xi
List of Symbols    xii
Chapter 1  Introduction    1
1 Overview    1
2 Source of Data    2
3 Background of Takibakha Bunun    2
3.1 Distribution of the Bunun language    2
3.2 Bunun dialects    3
3.3 Takibakha Bunun    5
4 Literature review    5
5 Outline of the thesis    7
Chapter 2  An Overview of Takibakha Phonology    8
1 Consonants    8
1.1 Consonant inventory    8
1.2 Phonetic description and phonological processes    9
1.3 Phonological status of word-final /h/ and /ʔ/    13
2 Vowels    15
2.1 Vowel inventory    15
2.2 Phonological processes    16
3 Syllable structure and stress assignment    25
3.1 Syllable structure    25
3.2 Stress assignment    25
4 Phonological status of mid vowels    29
4.1 Mid vowels not being adjacent to back vowels    29
4.2 Contrast between mid vowels and high vowels    30
4.3 Contrast between mid vowels and diphthongs    31
4.4 Concluding notes    32
Chapter 3  Suffixation and Positional Faithfulness    34
1 Alternation of mid vowels and diphthongs    35
2 Suffixation and encliticization    40
3 Syllable type distribution    43
4 Analysis of mid vowel-diphthong alternation    48
4.1 “Template matching” approach    49
4.2 Positional faithfulness approach    51
4.3 Vowel alternation in suffixation    54
4.4 Interaction with glide formation    57
5 Positional faithfulness as a general pattern    59
6 Summary    60
Chapter 4  Vowel Patterns in Reduplication Words    62
1 Total reduplication    63
1.1 Data of total reduplication    63
1.2 Reduplicant domain of total reduplication    65
2 Lexicalized reduplication    66
2.1 Lexicalized reduplication with mid vowels    66
2.2 Lexicalized reduplication with diphthongs    68
3 Comparison of two reduplication types    69
3.1 Nominal intensification    69
3.2 Derivation and morphological boundary    70
4 Analysis of total reduplication    72
4.1 Building base-reduplicant relationship    72
4.2 BR-identity in total reduplication    74
4.3 Prefixal or suffixal reduplication?    76
5 Analysis of lexicalized reduplication    78
5.1 Aggressive reduplication and BR-identity    78
5.2 Lexicalized reduplication with diphthongs    79
5.3 Lexicalized reduplication with mid vowels    80
6 Discussion of the historical source of mid vowels    83
6.1 Cross-dialectal comparison    83
6.2 Possible historical development    86
7 Summary    90
Chapter 5  Vowel Patterns in Loanwords    91
1 Phonological background of Loanwords    92
2 Assimilated loanwords    94
2.1 Loanwords with diphthong in the source    94
2.2 Loanwords with mid vowel in the source    96
3 Unassimilated loanwords    100
3.1 Loanwords with diphthong in the source    101
3.2 Loanwords with mid vowel in the source    102
3.3 Ambiguous cases    103
4 Analysis of loanwords    105
4.1 Core-Periphery structure    105
4.2 Adaptation to native phonology    107
4.3 Faithfulness to source languages    112
5 Discussion of Core-Periphery analysis    113
5.1 Necessity of the existence of sub-lexicons    114
5.2 Alternative analysis: Cophonology model    114
6 Summary    116
Chapter 6  Conclusion and Further Research    117
1 Conclusion    117
2 Further research    118
2.1 Mid vowels and high vowel lowering    118
2.2 The nature of prominent position    119
2.3 Social factors in dialectal variation    120
2.4 Cross-linguistic comparison and typological researches    121
References    125
                                

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