原始南島語舌冠音的重建: 臺灣南島語的語音證據

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研究生：	柴田海 Shibata, Kye
論文名稱：	原始南島語舌冠音的重建: 臺灣南島語的語音證據 A reconstruction of Proto-Austronesian coronal consonants: Phonetic evidence from Formosan languages
指導教授：	廖秀娟 Liao, Hsiu-Chuan
口試委員:	齊莉莎謝豐帆 Adelaar, Alexander Ross, Malcolm
學位類別：	博士 Doctor
系所名稱：	人文社會學院 - 語言學研究所 Institute of Linguistics
論文出版年：	2025
畢業學年度：	113
語文別：	英文
論文頁數：	186
中文關鍵詞：	歷史語言學、臺灣南島語、南島語、語音學
外文關鍵詞：	historical linguistics, Austronesian languages, Formosan languages, phonetics
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查詢本校圖書館目錄查詢臺灣博碩士論文知識加值系統勘誤回報

本論文對原始南島語舌冠輔音的音值進行了重建，並重點分析臺灣南島語中語音特色的反映。由於濁冠阻音在不同語言中的反映並不規則，以及邊音的發音較為複雜，因此本論文特別關注於此類音。

本研究提出，原始南島語應重建兩個濁冠塞音：濁齒塞音 *d 和濁捲舌塞音 *ɖ。其不規則變化可由兩個獨立的因素解釋：(1) 魯凱語與排灣語之間的語言接觸，排灣語的原始音 *ɖ 可解釋為來自魯凱語借用的音素；2）在某些語音環境下，尤其在詞首位置，齒音與捲舌音之間的混淆是跨語言常見的現象。

本研究重建了兩個邊音：舌葉齒邊近音*l 和舌尖捲舌邊近音 *ɭ。這些音值已從卑南語和魯凱語所收集的初步語音資料得到證實，這兩種語言中的邊音構音較為保守。本研究採用了電磁構音儀器與超音波舌影像技術，結果顯示兩個語言在發音特徵上存在共性。

此外，在重建齒音與捲舌音兩項邊音外，也擴展到重建其他原始南島語的冠音，最終重建了五個齒音：*t、*d、*s、*l、*n，以及四個相對應的捲舌音：*ʈ、*ɖ、*ʂ 和 *ɭ。另外，本論文也關注了顫音 *r 以及濁顎擦音 *ʝ。前者之確切發音位置尚不清楚，至於後者儘管其與顎滑音 *j 有一些相似之處，其音值較難以重建。本研究所提出的冠音系統可作為所有已知南島語分支的合理起點，各語言分支在不同程度上反映了這個系統。

This dissertation provides a reconstruction of the phonetic values of Proto-Austronesian coronal consonants with a focus on the phonetic characteristics of their reflexes in Formosan languages. Special attention is given to the voiced coronal obstruents, due to the irregularity of their reflexes across languages, and to the lateral consonants, due to the complexity of their articulation.

This study proposes that two voiced coronal stops should be reconstructed at the Proto-Austronesian level: a voiced dental stop, *d, and a voiced retroflex stop, *ɖ. The irregularities in their reflexes are explained as being the results of two unrelated causes: 1) a history of language contact between Rukai and Paiwan, where Proto-Paiwan *ɖ is explained as a borrowed phoneme from Rukai, and 2) the cross-linguistically common tendency for dentals and retroflexes to be confused for one another in certain phonetic contexts, most notably word-initial position.

Two lateral phonemes are reconstructed: a lamino-dental lateral approximant, *l, and an apico-retroflex lateral approximant, *ɭ. These phonetic values are supported by preliminary data collected from Puyuma and Rukai, two languages that are conservative in their articulation of these phonemes. Data was collected using electromagnetic articulography and ultrasound tongue imaging, which indicated that key articulatory features were shared by both languages.

The reconstruction of a dental versus retroflex place of articulation is also expanded to other Proto-Austronesian coronal consonants. Ultimately, five dental consonants are reconstructed: *t, *d, *s, *l, and *n. Four retroflex consonants, all of which reflect a dental counterpart, are reconstructed: *ʈ, *ɖ, *ʂ, and *ɭ. Considerations are also made regarding the trill, *r, the exact place of articulation for which is unclear, and the voiced palatal fricative, *ʝ, for which a phonetic value is difficult to reconstruct, although it shows some parallels with the palatal glide, *j. The reconstructed coronal series is demonstrated as being a plausible starting point for all known branches in the family, with each branch reflecting this system to various degrees.

Abstract    i
摘要    ii
Acknowledgements    iii
Contents    v
List of Tables    ix
List of Figures    xii
List of abbreviations    xiii
  Introduction     . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1    Questions and objectives of this study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    3
2    Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    3
2.1    Sources of data    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    3
2.2    Proto-Austronesian etyma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    5
2.3    Assumptions regarding subgrouping    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    6
2.4    Lexical borrowing and irregular sound correspondences    . . . . . . . .    8
2.5    Evaluation of the reconstructed system . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    9
3    Organization of this dissertation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    10
  Literature review on the Proto-Austronesian sound system    11
1    Early studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    11
2    Dempwolff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    12
3    Ogawa    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    13
4    Dahl    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    15
4.1    Dahl’s reconstruction of PAn voiced coronal obstruents    . . . . . . . .    15
4.2    Dahl’s reconstruction of PAn laterals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    19
5    Dyen    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    19
5.1    Dyen’s reconstruction of PAn voiced coronal obstruents . . . . . . . .    20
5.2    Dyen’s reconstruction of PAn laterals    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    21
6    Tsuchida    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    21
6.1    Tsuchida’s reconstruction of PAn voiced coronal obstruents . . . . . .    22
6.2    Tsuchida’s reconstruction of PAn laterals    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    26
7    Blust    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    29
7.1    Blust’s reconstruction of PAn coronal places of articulation    . . . . . .    29
7.2    Blust’s reconstruction of PAn voiced coronal obstruents . . . . . . . .    34
7.3    Blust’s reconstruction of PAn laterals    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    35
8    Ross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    36
8.1    Ross (1992)    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    36
8.2    Ross (2015)    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    38
8.3    Ross’s PAn laterals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    41
9    Alternative interpretations    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    42
9.1    Wolf’s coronal obstruents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    42
9.2    Sagart’s reconstruction of PAn *j . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    44
10    Summary of previous reconstructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    45
  The phonology of Formosan languages    48
1    Atayal    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    50
2    Seediq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    53
3    Bunun    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    56
4    Thao    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    59
5    Saisiyat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    63
6    Pazeh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    67
7    Kavalan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    70
8    Amis    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    73
9    Tsou    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    76
10    Kanakanavu    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    79
11    Saaroa    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    83
12    Rukai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    88
13    Puyuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    92
14    Paiwan    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    94
15    Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    97
  PAn voiced coronal obstruents    98
1    Determining criterion languages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    98
2    Data exhibiting problematic correspondences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    99
3    *DB and *DC in Proto-Paiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    102
3.1    Borrowing as a source of other irregularities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    105
4    Phonetically conditioned sporadic change in PAn voiced coronal obstruents    .    106
4.1    Phonetic values of the PAn voiced coronal obstruents    . . . . . . . . .    107
4.2    Dental and retroflex stops in word-initial position . . . . . . . . . . . .    108
4.3    Phonetically motivated randomness    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    108
4.4    Time depth    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    111
4.5    Word frequency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    111
4.6    Additional considerations    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    111
5    Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    112
  Phonetic characteristics of Proto-Austronesian laterals    114
1    Background    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    115
2    Experimental methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    116
2.1    Electromagnetic articulography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    117
2.2    Ultrasound tongue imaging    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    119
2.3    Experimental setup . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    119
3    Results    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    120
3.1    Budai Rukai results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    120
3.2    Nanwang Puyuma results    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    126
4    Discussion    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    132
4.1    Places of articulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    132
4.2    Places of lateralization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    132
4.3    Diachronic implications    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    134
4.4    Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    135
5    Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    136
  The Proto-Austronesian coronals system    137
1    PAn *C . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    137
2    The PAn sibilants    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    139
2.1    Ross’s *θ and *s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    140
2.2    Ross’s *S and *x . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    142
2.3    Phonetic values of *s and *S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    145
3    Coronal consonants without a contrastive counterpart    . . . . . . . . . . . . .    146
3.1    PAn *n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    146
3.2    PAn *R . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    147
3.3    PAn *j    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    147
4    The coronal consonants in PAn    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    149
5    The historical development of PAn coronal consonants    . . . . . . . . . . . . .    150
5.1    Atayal    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    152
5.2    Seediq    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    153
5.3    Bunun . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    154
5.4    Thao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    156
5.5    Saisiyat    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    159
5.6    Pazeh    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    161
5.7    Kavalan    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    163
5.8    Amis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    165
5.9    Tsou    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    167
5.10    Kanakanavu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    168
5.11    Saaroa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    169
5.12    Rukai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    170
5.13    Puyuma    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    171
5.14    Paiwan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    172
5.15    PMP    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    174
5.16    General observations and conclusions    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    175
6    Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    175
  Conclusion    176
1    Summary of findings    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    176
2    Contributions made by this dissertation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    177
3    Limitations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    177
4    Future work    . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .    178


                                

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