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研究生: 吳岢芯
Wu, Ko-shin
論文名稱: 泰雅語語言接觸與借詞
Language Contact and Lexical Borrowings in Atayal
指導教授: 廖秀娟
Liao, Hsiu-chuan
口試委員: 黃慧娟
湯愛玉
學位類別: 碩士
Master
系所名稱: 人文社會學院 - 台灣研究教師在職進修碩士學位班
Graduated Program of Taiwan Studies for in-service Teachers
論文出版年: 2014
畢業學年度: 102
語文別: 英文
論文頁數: 107
中文關鍵詞: 泰雅語借詞
外文關鍵詞: Atayal, loanword
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  • 本論文中,筆者藉由研究泰雅語中的日語借詞來探討以下幾點: (1) 語音轉譯; (2) 音節轉換; (3) 名詞在借詞上的普遍性是否也能套用在泰雅語中的日語借詞; (4) 哪些領域的詞彙最容易出現借詞現象。
    筆者參酌Loanword Typology Project 所提供的詞彙意義表收錄了1257個泰雅語單詞,並從當中發現109個日語借詞具有以下幾點特性: (1)在元音的語音適應方面,元音的前後位置比上下轉移較為重要。(2)在輔音的語音適應方面,日語中濁塞音的[-continuant]辨音特徵轉換成[+continuant]。日語擦音部分則在泰雅語借用時改變了發音部位,但發音方法則維持不變。(3)在日語借詞的音韻歷程上則有長輔音單音化及鼻音現象。(4)至於音節結構的部分則因泰雅語較不受音節限制而少有衝突。此外,日語的聲調轉換成泰雅語時則依音節的數量而有系統的改變重音位置。(5)名詞類借詞遠遠多於其它各詞類借詞,這與Muysken (1981)的hierarchy of borrowability(詞彙的可借用性)相符。(6)依Haspelmath and Tadmor (2009)的詞彙分類領域發現泰雅語中日語借詞最常出現在下列五類: (i)現代世界(64.14%)、(ii)宗教與信仰(17.65%)、(iii)衣著與裝飾(13.46%)、(iv) 血族關係(13.43%),以及(v)飲食(13.24%)。依據Thomason(2001)的借用等級,日語和泰雅語接觸關係屬於第一級的偶然接觸(the casual contact)。


    The purpose of the study is to examine changes that have taken place when Japanese loanwords are borrowed into Atayal. A number of research questions are addressed in this study: (i) how are foreign phonemes adapted in Atayal? (ii) how do Atayal speakers nativize foreign syllable structures that are incompatible with their native phonology? (iii) nouns and adjectives have been claimed to be most easily borrowed cross-linguistically (Whitney 1881; Haugen 1950; Muysken 1981). Can this phenomenon be found when it comes to Japanese loanwords in Atayal? (iv) which semantic fields of loanwords are found in Atayal and which field contains the highest percentage of loanwords.
    After analyzing 109 Japanese loanwords out of the 1257 Squliq Atayal items that I collected based on the Loanword Typology (LWT) meaning list, the following observations are made.
    First, in the adaptation of Japanese-Atayal vowels, backness is more important than vowel height.
    Second, in phonological adaptation of consonants, the continuant feature is changed from [-continuant] to [+continuant] in voiced stops. In fricatives, the manner and laryngeal features tend to be preserved, leaving only changes in the place of articulation features.
    Third, two phonological processes are found to be employed in the adaptation of Japanese loanwords in Atayal: loss of gemination and nasal assimilation.
    Fourth, Atayals have less trouble nativizing Japanese syllable structures because they are similar. Instead of the ultimate-stress rule in Atayal, stress is assigned differently in Japanese loanwords depending on the number of syllables.
    Fifth, nouns are more likely to be borrowed in loanwords from Japanese in Atayal. This conforms to the hierarchy of borrowability proposed by Muysken (1981) where nouns tend to be the category that is more likely to be borrowed than other lexical categories.
    Sixth, based on the semantic fields proposed by Haspelmath and Tadmor (2009), five fields containing the highest loanword rate in Atayal are: (1) Modern world (64.14%), (2) Religion and belief (17.65%), (3) Clothing and grooming (13.46%), (4) Kinship (13.43%), and (5) Food and drink (13.24%).
    Based on the borrowing scale proposed by Thomason (2001), the Japanese language contact in Atayal can be categorized in the first level: the casual contact.

    Chinese Abstract i English Abstract ii Acknowledgment iii Table of Contents iv List of Tables viii List of Figures x Chapter 1: Introduction 1 1.1 Objectives of this research 1 1.2 About the people and language 2 1.3 Data sources 3 1.4 Orthography and the presentation of data used in this thesis 4 1.5 Organization of this thesis 5 Chapter 2: Literature Review 7 2.1 Borrowing 7 2.1.1 Definition of terms related to borrowing 8 2.1.2 Motivations for lexical borrowing 9 2.1.3 Hierarchy of borrowability 10 2.2 Loanwords in the world’s languages 14 2.3 Previous research on theories of loanword phonology 17 2.3.1 The phonology approach 19 2.3.2 The perception approach 22 2.3.3 The perception-phonology approach 23 2.4 Language contact and languages of Taiwan 24 2.4.1 Language contact prior to Japanese colonization (before 1895) 25 2.4.2 Language contact during Japanese colonization 26 2.4.3 Language contact after Japanese colonization 27 2.4.4 Previous studies on lexical borrowings in Austronesian languages in Taiwan 28 2.5 Previous research on Atayal phonology 29 2.5.1 A brief look at studies on the Atayal language in general 29 2.5.2 A close look at Squliq Atayal phonemes 30 2.6 Interim summary 33 Chapter 3: Basic Phonology of Squliq Atayal and Tokyo Japanese 35 3.1 Squliq Atayal phonology: Phonemes 35 3.2 Japanese phonology: Phonemes 37 3.2.1 Japanese consonants 38 3.2.2 Japanese vowels 40 3.3 Syllable structure and stress in Atayal 40 3.3.1 Syllable types 40 3.3.2 Assignment of stress in Atayal 42 3.4 Syllable structure and stress in Japanese 43 3.4.1 Syllable types 43 3.4.2 Restrictions on syllable-initial C/j/ clusters 45 3.4.3 Accentuation in Japanese 47 3.5 Interim summary 48 Chapter 4: Phonological Adaptation in Loanwords 49 4.1 Vowel adaptation 49 4.1.1. The adoption or adaptation of Japanese /o/ to Atayal /o/, /u/ or weakened 49 4.1.2. The adoption or adaptation of Japanese /e/ to Atayal /e/ or /i/ 52 4.1.3. The adoption of Japanese /i/ to Atayal /i/ 54 4.1.4 The adaptation of Japanese /ɯ/ to Atayal /u/, /i/, zero or weakened 54 4.1.5 The monophthongization of /ei/ [ej] to /e/ 56 4.1.6 Vowel shortening 57 4.1.7 No vowel devoicing 58 4.1.8 Interim summary: Generalization of vowel adaptation 58 4.2. Consonant adaptation 59 4.2.1 Stops 59 4.2.2 Fricatives 65 4.2.3 Affricates 68 4.3 Phonological processes employed in the adaptation of loanwords 69 4.3.1 Loss of gemination 69 4.3.2 Nasal assimilation 70 4.4 An analysis of changes in syllable structure 71 4.5 An analysis of stress patterns in Japanese loanwords 72 4.5.1 An overview 72 4.5.2 Japanese loanwords with long vowels attract stress 74 4.5.3 Stress patterns in monosyllabic and disyllabic words 74 4.5.4 Stress patterns in polysyllabic words 76 4.5.5 Interim summary of stress placement in Japanese loanwords 78 4.6 Which theoretical model can best account for loanword adaptation in Squliq Atayal? 78 Chapter 5: Semantic fields of loanwords and lexical borrowing in Atayal 82 5.1 Semantic fields of loanwords 82 5.1.1 The semantic field of Modern world 86 5.1.2 The semantic field of Religion and Belief 87 5.2 Lexical borrowing phenomena in Atayal 88 5.3 Interim summary 90 Chapter 6: Conclusion 91 6.1 Summary 91 6.2 Suggestions for further research 92 References 94 Appendix 102

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