本文以製圖理論討論日語的模態詞與蒙受結構之句法特徵。在日語跟漢語的對比上，雖然兩種語言之間有著分析性、中心性，以及謂語模態系統之不同，我們還是可看出兩者在模態詞層系分佈上的一致性：補詞層的知識模態詞、曲折層的義務模態詞，以及辭彙層的能願模態詞。三個層次的句法分佈是由多種主題的互動中得到證實，這些主題如多重模態詞、模態結構之蘊含關係、模態詞和否定詞之互動、模態詞和時制／動貌標記之協調、模態詞之現實蘊含（actuality entailment）、ought-to-be義務模態詞之句法位置等等。此外，藉由跟漢語對比，我們發現日文的主語殊指限制跟模態詞的關聯與漢語一致，也就是非殊指的無定名詞只可出現在內主語位置，殊指的無定名詞只可出現在外主語位置。另外，在日語傳統文法裡被認為是偽模態詞的知識模態助動詞該分為兩組，一組出現在TP之上，另一組出現在外主語之下。
關於施用結構，我們討論日語的兩種蒙受結構：蒙受使役結構和V-te kureru結構。日語的蒙受使役結構在句法上是中階施用結構的一種類型，結構的主語是蒙受者而非主事者，而且在複合述語［內部非受格動詞＋施用中心語 –(s)ase］形成之後，此主語會被非受格動詞所表示的最後狀態所影響。這類複合述語可以指派使役者或者經驗者為外主語，經驗者被指派為外主語有兩個條件：（一）內部動詞是非受格動詞；（二）蒙受者（即主語）和客體之間有領屬關係。西班牙文和國語也同樣有中階施用結構，而且此結構跟輕動詞層有關連。另一方面，日語的V-te kureru結構是跟補詞層相關的高階施用結構，所以此結構保留了一些左緣結構所具有的特徵。
最後，為了能夠更精準細緻地呈現出日語的主句結構，我們將模態結構和蒙受結構兩者的分析合在一起，並試圖建構出一個大的架構，而此架構所顯示的是與補詞層相關的高階施用結構在句法位置上高於真知識模態詞，於是，當動詞kureru和真知識模態詞一起出現時，蒙受語意的詮釋就會消失。我對於模態詞跟施用結構在句法上的階層關係提出的架構如下：
[ne > yo > wa/ze > ApplPHigh > daroo > 真知識模態詞 > ought-to-be義務模態詞 > TP > ought-to-do義務模態詞 > 能願模態詞 > Asp > ApplPMiddle > VP > ApplPLow > V]。

This dissertation deals with syntactic properties of two distinct constructions, i.e., Modal Constructions and Applicative Constructions in Japanese under the cartographic approach. From the comparison with Chinese modal constructions, we find that despite the difference between two languages in terms of analyticity, headedness and modal systems on the predicate, both Japanese and Chinese display the same pattern of modal hierarchy; epistemics as the complementizer layer modals, deontics as the inflectional layer modals, and dynamics as the lexical layer modals. This three-tier syntactic analysis is attested by the correlations among multiple modal constructions, entailment relations, the interaction between modals and negation, the compatibility between modals and tense/aspect markers, as well as the demarcation effects associated with actuality entailment and ought-to-be modals. By the comparison with Chinese, some issues relating to subject specificity and modals in Japanese are also presented. It is demonstrated that the non-specific indefinites only occur in the inner subject position whereas the specific indefinites only occur in the outer subject position in Japanese as well. In addition, we also argue that some epistemic modals that are regarded as quasi modals in the traditional Japanese grammar are necessarily divided into two groups: one that is originated above TP and the other under the subject.
Regarding applicative constructions, we discuss two types of adversity constructions in Japanese: adversity causative and V-te kureru constructions. Adversity causatives in Japanese are a type of middle applicatives. The subject is an Affectee, and it is affected by the end state when the complex predicate [embedded unaccusative + Appl –(s)ase] is formed. This complex predicate includes the ability to assign either a Causer or an Experiencer to its external argument. However, there are two conditions for its Experiencer role assignment: (i) unaccusativity of the embedded verb, and (ii) the possessive-like relationship between the Affectee (i.e., subject) and the theme. Spanish and Mandarin Chinese also have middle (affected) applicatives, which are associated with the vP phase. Meanwhile, the V-te kureru construction is a CP-related high applicative. Therefore, this construction holds some properties related to the left periphery, such as speaker-orientedness, the compatibility with non-agentive subject, and so on.
Lastly, we combine the analyses on modals and applicatives together and draw one big picture, in order to present more precise and more detailed syntactic structure of Japanese matrix clause. It is demonstrated that the CP-related high applicative is located above the genuine epistemic modals; thus, when the verb kureru and the genuine epistemic modal co-occur, the adversative interpretation disappears. The proposed hierarchy on modals and applicative heads is [ne > yo > wa/ze > ApplPHigh > daroo > epistemics > ought-to-be modal > TP > ought-to-do modal > dynamic > Asp > ApplPMiddle > VP > ApplPLow > V].

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