本篇論文主要是對新竹縣尖石鄉泰雅語賽考立克方言之狀語進行研究，並嘗試依循Cinque (1999)之理論脈絡來建構泰雅語賽考立克方言中不同狀語之相對次序。本文前兩章為泰雅語賽考立克方言簡介以及文獻回顧。第三章則介紹賽考立克方言之狀語，第四章是時間狀語與主語感應現象之相關討論。
我們將賽考立克方言之狀語分為兩大類，一類是述語型(Predicate-like)，一類是附加語型(Adjunct-like)。其中，述語型又可分為兩種表現方式，一類帶有語態標記(voice marker)，如狠狠地m-k’ial(主事者語態)/ pk’ial-un(受事者語態)；另一類則由si所引介，不帶語態標記，如安靜地si p’siang。在附加語型的相對次序建立上，我們採用Rizzi(1997)的結構階層，加上情態詞組(ModalP)的定位，先畫分出四個層級，將各層次附加語型狀語先訂出相對位置，再進一步排列其相對次序。
此外，我們發現到，在各種被視為有主語感應(subject-sensitive)現象的句法運作中，如句子的分裂(cleaving)、主題化(topicalization)、疑問句的形成(questioning)等，賽考立克方言的時間詞(如:明天、何時)呈現了反例。而張(1997)曾指出賽德克語及葛瑪蘭與中亦有此一現象，並提出語態感應(voice-sensitive)予以解釋，由於台灣南島語都沒有時間語態詞綴，因此時間詞可不受語態感應所制約。然而，語態感應機制對於位於(base-generated)語態詞組(VoiceP)底下的時間詞無法提供完善的解釋。蔡(2004)則根據Pesetsky & Torrego (2001)所主張主格格位(Nominative case)帶有一個不可譯的(uninterpretable)時態特徵(T-feature)，提出時間狀語帶有可譯的(interpretable)時態特徵的假設。句子在C檢核(Check off)其時態特徵的方式有二：主格論元到時態詞組(TP)檢核其不可譯時態特徵，或藉由時間狀語所帶之可譯時態特徵。如此，則時間狀語可留在原位或者經歷上述句法運作，不但解釋了出現於語態詞組上方之時間詞，也解決了張(1997)所留下的語態詞組底下時間詞的問題。因此，蔡(2004)的時態特徵假說能更全面性地解釋時間詞為主語感應例外之原因。

The thesis investigates the adverbials in Squliq Atayal which is spoken in Chian-shih, Hsinchu County. Following Cinque (1999), we attempt to establish the relative order of Squliq adverbials. The first two chapters are introduction for a sketch of Squliq Atayal and literature review. Chapter 3 is discussion for adverbials in Squliq. Chapter 4 discusses temporal adverbials and topics related to subject-sensitivity.
We divide the adverbials into two groups. One group is composed of predicate-like adverbials, which behave as a predicate in a sentence; the other group is made up of adjunct-like adverbials, which behave more like adverbs in English and Chinese and are assumed to have hierarchical order as claimed by Cinque (1999). The predicate-like adverbials are further divided into two parts, Type-I: stem + voice marker (e.g. m-k’ial/ pk’ial-un (violently)) and Type-Ⅱ: si + (p-) stem (e.g. si p’siang (quietly)). In addition, we use a four-layer structure, which is inspired by Rizzi (1997), to help demarcate the relative order for those adjunct-like adverbials.
Furthermore, we find that temporal adverbials, like suxan ‘tomorrow’ and knwan ‘when’ in Squliq, form counterexamples in those syntactic operations, such as cleaving, topicalization, questioning, which are claimed to be subject-sensitive. Chang (1997) proposes voice-sensitive to explain the phenomena. However, his analysis cannot provide complete explanation for those adverbials base-generated under VoiceP. On the other hand, Pesetsky & Torrego (2001) claim that Nominative Case is an instance of an uninterpretable Tense feature (uT) on D. Following them, Tsai (2004) hypothesizes that temporal adverbials, just like nominative arguments, bear Tense features. Sentences with marked information structures (e.g., topic, focus, question, etc.) have two options to check off uT on C: One is to raise a nominative argument with uT further from [Spec, TP]. The other is to raise a temporal adverbial with iT. In this way, a temporal expression enjoys the freedom of either remaining in-situ, or raising to [Spec, CP]. Thus, Tsai’s (2004) hypothesis is a better account for it explains temporal adverbials both above and under VoiceP.

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