本論文研究「蒙古」（mongol, mongɣul）這個習以為常且嫻熟慣用的人群詞彙其實是一個看似不變、但其內在邏輯實則恆變的範疇（category）與符號（參考Eckert 2016）。在蒙古國與中華人民共和國的當代民族國家體系下，這兩個國家的蒙古人（Mongols）對於彼此所共享的「蒙古」符號抱持著不同社會價值和歷史觀點而構築的身分邊界，致使產生了（至少）兩種不同於彼此的「蒙古」價值與範疇。這兩種「蒙古」，其實都與中文語言社群（Chinese language community）相互涉入漫長且充滿張力的歷史、族群與政治經濟的權力關係。基於在蒙古烏蘭巴托六個月的田野，本論文以語言、符號和政治經濟共織的觀點指出，來自中華人民共和國的中文語言社群是影響當代蒙古國蒙古人和中華人民共和國蒙古人（尤聚焦在內蒙古人社群）對「蒙古」符號和其人群範疇產生概念分歧（disjunction）的結構性主因，使得這「兩種蒙古」在偶然的互動過程中引發內在與外在的符號價值衝突。

在這份研究中，我一方面從歷史的面向追索「蒙古」作為一種人群範疇的代表性符號，其符號如何因政治環境的演變而改變其符號的內在邏輯；另一方面，我將當代「蒙古人」與來自中華人民共和國的「中文／漢語言說者」（Mongolian: Hytad）剖析成三個語言社群做研究分析：喀爾喀蒙古語言社群、內蒙古語言社群、中文語言社群。 在蒙古國語言地景裡，中文語言社群的特別之處在於，當他們言說中文時，他們的「言語和聲音」突顯了他們所持有的族群語言身分（ethnolingual identity），而其族群語言身分在蒙古國的地緣政治脈絡下，亦相對容易地落入另一個可能隱含的國族身分識別，並在互動時產生衝突。此衝突的本質（nature of conflict）隱含著蒙古國與「中文語言政治群體」（包括中國國民黨與中華人民共和國）在二十世紀初期為政治主權隸屬或獨立的權力爭奪，以及在二十一世紀以降、中華人民共和國政府試圖以政治經濟的資本力量，在特定意識形態與議題上控制蒙古政府的言論自由（以達賴喇嘛出訪蒙古國為案例）。這讓具有政治經濟優勢的國家能動員其國家資本、在資本主義市場和現代國族主義的框架上製造出不同國家統治集團之間的權力不對等關係，本研究中稱之為「新邏輯統治」（neo-logocracy）（參考Metz 2016; Silverstein 2010）。

在新邏輯統治概念背後所確切指涉的，是蒙古國和中華人民共和國的國家統治集團的不對等關係，並在一定程度上影響了喀爾喀蒙古語和中文兩個族群語言和語言群體的語言符號關係。因此這三個當代語言社群，是用以捕捉「蒙古人」與「中文言說者」做為行動者，在族群身分、族群語言身分與族群/國族身分（ethnonational identity）相互疊加後、在參與社會的行動中產生互動，但在互動中的偶發性衝突，可透過分析發現致使衝突的內核產生了社會價值秩序與失序的邏輯關係。我同時也用三個概念化的模型（modalities）呈現三個語言群體分別在（1）國家內部、（2）兩個國家關係、和（3）兩種「蒙古」符號概念之間相互鏈結與影響。

This thesis argues that the sign ‘Mongol’ is a stable symbol that, across several centuries, shaped their respective core social and political categories. (cf. Eckert 2016). Specifically, under the nation-state paradigm, Mongols from Mongolia versus Mongols from the People’s Republic of China (PRC), including especially Inner Mongolians, hold differing values and ideologies on the ‘Mongol’ category based on their respective social histories. Conducting approximately six months of fieldwork (March to September 2018) in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia, my basic finding is that the Chinese language and their Chinese speakers who live in Ulaanbaatar share a sense of power intertwined with Mongols both from Mongolia and the PRC through their interwoven historical ethnic, ethnolingual, and political and economic relations so as to produce and reproduce their underlying conflicted interrelations.

On the one hand, I investigate the long term history from the early pre-Chinggis Khan period to the present to demonstrate a signaling process of ‘Mongol’ in its changing inner logic across political power shifts that influenced its categorical scale. On the other hand, to capture the underlying nature of inter-language community conflicts, I analyze Mongols from Mongolia and PRC and Chinese speakers from the PRC across three modern language communities: (1) the Khalkha Mongolian community, (2) the Chinese language community, and (3) the Inner Mongolian language community. Particularly, in the Mongolia’s language landscape, once a Chinese speaker (either Han or Mongol) spoke, the sound of language would be amplified and emphasizes on their ethnolingual identity, which, under Mongolia’s geopolitics, that ethnolingual identity easily falls into a hidden ethnonational identity—the PRC national identity—and many conflicts and disjunctions were thereafter triggered. In other words, conflict between these three language communities do not inevitably result in conflict, but the different sounds of the differ languages brings to the surface their long span of their respective interwoven sociolinguistic histories.

In order to see how the above three language communities constitute a sense of an internally fragmented social whole, I adopt the concept of logocracy—ruling by word or government by word—to theorize the three language communities today into what I call a neo-logocracy. A neo-logocracy is distinct from neocolonialisms and postcolonialisms that exist elsewhere (cf. Metz 2016; Silverstein 2010). This neo-logocracy in Sino-Mongolian relations indicates asymmetrical relations between two entitled ethnolingual ruling groups, where state power mobilizes its state capital to control the other’s ideology on specific self-interested topics. The neo-logocracy, in a certain level, influences the three modern language communities, which I conceptualize as three modalities to explain its dynamics of internal and external logic for the resulting ideological disjunctions.

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