本論文描述泰雅語汶水方言之音韻，並以優選理論(Optimality Theory, Prince and Smolensky 1993, McCarthy and Prince 1993b)為架構，形式化其音韻現象與構詞加綴之間的互動。其中，由於主事焦點(Active Focus)詞綴UM加綴後產生OCP現象，文中加以討論。
本論文指出/b, r, g/三個音位，異於其他的泰雅方言及前人作品所述(Huang 2000a)，可出現於閉音節尾(coda position)，且母音只有三個音位/i, u, a/，而非五個。從語料的整理中，我們描述了汶水的音節結構，發現每一音節必須有聲母(onset)，並發現詞中子音串必須分屬不同音節，本文使用ONSET及*COMPLEX兩制約來加以限制。汶水方言重音規律地落在最後音節，本論文也嘗試提供了一個可能的重音韻步建構，並以母音合諧(vowel harmony)作為佐證。
至於與構詞間的互動，本文使用詞素個別的Alignment constraint來規範其加綴位置(McCarthy and Prince 1993a)，探討了包括前綴、中綴及後綴；這些詞素個別制約(morpheme-specific alignment constraints)加上此語言的音韻制約(phonological constraints)，進而得出不同的修復策略(repaired strategy)來避免可能的音韻不合法性(prosodic ill-formedness)。這些策略反映在詞素錯置(morpheme dislocation)、融合(coalescence)、滑音形成(glide formation)及音節重整(resyllabification)之現象上。本論文並以焦點標記(focus markers)與時貌標記(aspectual markers)之順序前後，來論證優選理論的使用正當性。
本論文包含了一個語音上的測量，此測量發現兩個母音起首的中綴，UM與-in-之中的子音/m/與/n/，相較於其他同樣位置的同一子音，有顯著較長的差別。此一次測量結果及音韻理論上的解釋，可用來解釋UM加綴所發生的唇音OCP限制。本文並比較了幾個在UM加綴時有OCP限制的南島語言，包括排灣語(Paiwan)、Tagalog、Chamorro及Toba Batak，企圖找出一個合理的解釋方式來涵蓋其他的語言。本文提出，是因為三個制約群(constraints family)的排序---OCP, ALIGN與MAX-MP，而產生同一現象的不同表現方式。但此排序尚有空缺，需要更多的語言檢驗及深入的探討。

This thesis is aimed at describing the phonology of Mayrinax Atayal, one of Formosan languages, and moves a step forward to observe and analyze the phonology as well as its interaction with morphology within Optimality Theory (OT), set forth by Prince and Smolensky (1993) and McCarthy and Prince (1993b). Special reference of UM affixation, a genetic morpheme in Austronesian languages, will be given relating to OCP effect on labial.
It is shown that /b, r, g/, unlike in other dialects, are allowed in coda position in Mayrinax, and that there are only three underlying vowels /i, u, a/ in the inventory with [e] and [o] being found in a restricted number of borrowings. No consonant cluster is found in this language, in which I use *COMPLEX to regulate it. Stress systematically falls on the ultimate syllable, and an iambic foot construction sensitive to weight is proposed in this thesis based on vowel harmony.
Apart from the phonology of Mayrinax Atayal, I have gone a step forward to discuss the interface of morphology and phonology. Morphemes that occur in different places, which are formalized by morpheme-specific alignment constraints, interact with phonological constraints that require the prosodic well-formedness. Morpheme dislocation, coalescence, glide formation and resyllabification are found to repair the possible prosodic ill-formedness caused by morpheme concatenations. The order of the prefixes, representing focus and aspect, is also discussed as an argumentation of the privilege of OT, the approach I use in the thesis.
Within all the morphemes, two VC prefixal infixes are picked out for further discussion. A phonetic measurement is carried out to show that the consonants in these two VC infixes are measured significantly longer than other identical consonants in the same place in intervocalic position. The interpretation of these longer consonants relates to the OCP effect on labial, which causes the deletion of the first syllable when infixing UM to stems with labial-initials. I have offered four possible interpretations of these longer consonants. These explanations all lead to the same conclusion that these two VC infixes, UM and -in-, must be parsed tautosyllabically. The OCP effect is thus proposed to hold in the same syllable in Mayrinax. The OCP effect is also found in other Austronesian languages with different repairs, including Feature changing (Paiwan), Null Parse (Tagalog), Metathesis (Chamorro) and Assimilated prefix (Toba Batak). Thus, this thesis has moved a step forward to incorporate some of those languages into our analysis. A typological analysis with the re-ranking of three families of constraints, OCP, ALIGN and MAX-MP, is proposed but with some gaps needed to be filled in or re-examined to see if the typology would over-predict or under-predict.

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