“我嚟自香港，並非中國”：以自由民族主義解釋“香港人”身份認同的崛起（2013-2018）

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研究生：	許峰銘 Hui, Fung-Ming
論文名稱：	“我嚟自香港，並非中國”：以自由民族主義解釋“香港人”身份認同的崛起（2013-2018） “I’m from Hong Kong, Not China”: Using Liberal Nationalism to explain the rise of ‘Hongkonger’ Identity（2013-2018）
指導教授：	林宗弘 Lin, Thung-Hong
口試委員:	陳志柔 Chen, Chih-Jou Jay 吳介民 Wu, Jieh-Min
學位類別：	碩士 Master
系所名稱：	人文社會學院 - 社會學研究所 Institute of Sociology
論文出版年：	2019
畢業學年度：	107
語文別：	英文
論文頁數：	66
中文關鍵詞：	自由民族主義、香港人身份認同、民主、自由愛國主義、中港關係、激進政治
外文關鍵詞：	Liberal Nationalism, Hong Konger Identity, Democracy, Liberal patriotism, China-Hong Kong relationship, Radical Politics
相關次數：	點閱：4 下載：0
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摘要

從之前的研究和調查發現，香港居民的“香港人”身分認同在近年一直上升，而香港居民對於作為“中國人”的身份認同則從2008年開始下降。“香港人”身份認同感的崛起使“香港人”與“中國人”身份在2008以前一直存在長期混合關係不再存在。但是，到底是什麼讓“香港人”身份認同崛起呢？本文將使用兩個量化調查數據，包括香港大學民意研究計劃在2016年12月至2018年6月進行的有關香港居民身份認同的數據集，以及香港中文大學香港亞太研究所的“中國效應電話調查”從2013年到2018年的數據集解答問題。港大民意研究計劃及中國效應的數據分別成功通過電話採訪了4040名使用粵語的香港居民，以及4012名使用粵語和普通話的香港居民。本文利用自由民族主義的框架，說明香港人身份認同與中國對香港進行國家領導的官方民族主義，文化霸權，威權擴散的關係。研究結果發現1.民主價值觀與香港人的身份認同有所相關；2. 民主價值觀推動了香港人的身份認同；3. 香港人的身份認同與民主愛國主義並沒有顯著相關。自由民族主義可能最適合描述香港人的身份認同，因為任何能夠促進香港居民民主價值觀念的因素，也將推動“香港人”身份的崛起。 2014年之後的激進政治和民主愛國主義已被證明對香港人身份認同的變化沒有顯著影響。

Abstract:

Previous researches and surveys found out that Hong Kong resident’s “Hongkonger.” Identity keeps rising while Chinese identity dropped from 2008, the rise of “Hongkonger” Identity made the long-term hybrid relationship between “Hong Konger” and “Chinese” identities no more exist. But what makes the rise of Hong Kong resident’s “Hongkonger” Identity? The essay will use two quantitative survey data, the People's Ethnic Identity Dataset from December 2016 to June 2018 in HKUPOP and ‘China effect on Hong Kong’ (中國效應電話調查) dataset by Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong from 2013 to 2018 to answer. The HKUPOP and China Effect Dataset have successfully interviewed 4040 Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong people by-phone and 4012 Cantonese and Putonghua-speaking Hong Kong residents by-phone respectively. This thesis is using the framework with Liberal Nationalism to illustrate the relationship between Hong Konger Identity and China’s attempt on Hong Kong: State-Led Official Nationalism, Cultural Hegemony, Authoritarian Diffusion. The result found out that 1. Democratic values are correlated with the Hong Konger identity (Positive); 2. Democratic values drive Hong Konger identity. (Positive); Hong Konger identity is correlated with the patriotism and Democratic values. (Negative). The Liberal Nationalism maybe best suits to describe Hong Konger identity, any factors which will foster Hong Kong resident ‘s persuasion of democratic values, also will drive the rise of ‘Hong Konger’ identity. The radical politics after 2014 and ‘liberal patriotism’ have been proved that have no significant effects on the changes of Hong Konger Identity.

Outline
Abstract:    3
摘要    4
致謝    5
1.    Introduction    8
2.    Question Awareness    10
Figure 1: Ethnic Identity of Hong Kong People (1997-2018) from HKUPOP    11
Figure 2: Identity of Hong Kong Residents (2013-2018) from the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong    11
Previous Researches    12
3.    Theoretical Framework    13
The relationship among State & Nation & Nationalism & National identity    13
China -Hong Kong relationship: State-Led Official Nationalism, Cultural Hegemony, Authoritarian Diffusion    15
Figure 3: Hong Kong People’s Confidence in One Country Two System from HKUPOP    22
Liberal Nationalism    22
Figure 4: Theoretical Framework of the thesis    25
4.    Methodology    25
About the Surveys    25
Table 1: The coding of political inclination in the China Effect Data (by self-own’s work)    28
Figure 5: Descriptive data from the China Effect Dataset    30
Figure 6: Descriptive data from HKUPOP Dataset    31
Research Design: Hypotheses    31
H1a: Democratic values are correlated with the Hong Konger identity.    32
H1b: Democratic values drives Hong Konger identity.    33
H2: Hong Konger identity is correlated with the patriotism and Democratic values.    34
Table 2: Hypothesis, Independent variables, Control Variables and Dependent variables of HKUPOP and China Effect    34
5.    Result    39
Figure 7: Rate your importance as a Chinese from HKUPOP data    39
Figure 8: Rate your strength of identity as a Chinese from HKUPOP data    39
Figure 9: Rate your strength of identity as a Hong Konger from HKUPOP data    40
Figure 10: Rate your importance as a Hong Konger from HKUPOP data    40
Table 3: logistics regression linear model from the China Effect dataset    42
Table 4: logistics regression linear model from the HKUPOP data    43
Table 5: Treatment effects estimation table in Propensity-score matching from China Effect data (the Year 2013 2016 vs 2017 2018)    45
Table 6: Treatment effects estimation table in Propensity-score matching from China Effect data (Democratic values vs Non-democratic values)    46
Table 7: Treatment effects estimation table in Propensity-score matching from HKUPOP data (201612 201706 vs 201712 201806)    46
Table 8: Treatment effects estimation table in Propensity-score matching from HKUPOP data (Pro-Establishment vs Non-Pro Establishment political inclination)    47
Table 9: logistics regression linear model from the China effect data:    47
Table 10: logistics regression linear model from the HKUPOP data    48
6.    Discussion    50
Figure 11: Participants' identity who attend the Vigil for the 4 June Massacre in 2015 and 2016     52
Figure 12: Participants' views on the reasons why they attend the Vigil for the 4 June Massacre in 2015 and 2016     52
7.    Limitation    52
8.  Conclusion    53
9.  References    54
10.  Appendix    56
Appendix1: Questionnaire (People's Ethnic Identity) from HKUPOP (2016-2018)    56
Appendix 2: ‘China effect on Hong Kong’ survey from CUHK of 2018 and 2017 which have been mainly used in this thesis (2015,2016 surveys will have slightly difference from 2018 and 2017 one)    64


                                

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