本篇論文主要探討漢語以及汶水泰雅語中情態詞與語氣助詞的互動關係。我們建議漢語的應該與汶水泰雅語的asi均應重新分類為示證性情態詞，並與認知性情態詞及義務性有所區分。從製圖理論 (Cinque & Rizzi 2008, Tsai 2010, Tsai & Yang 2014) 觀點出發，藉由觀察漢語以及汶水泰雅語中情態詞與語氣助詞在各種句式中的相容性，區辨示證性與認知性情態詞的差異，並嘗試描繪情態詞與語氣助詞兩大類中各成員彼此相互之間的階層性結構關係。在前人(Tang and Tang 1997, Hsin 2000, Palmer 2001, Butler 2003, Tsai 2010)所建立的基礎上，我們確認了情態詞之間的層系關係，更進一步主張漢語以及汶水泰雅語中的情態詞階層結構為：示證性 > 認知性 > 義務性。藉此，將可清楚說明示證性與認知性的差異以及不一致性之所在。同時，也重新定義漢語的應該與汶水泰雅語的asi在本質上的詮釋。
此一結構更因語氣助詞成員的相異分佈使其在理論的基礎上更加穩固。採取與前人(Tang 1998, Law 2002, Li 2006, Sybesma and Li 2007, Hsieh and Sybesma 2008, Paul 2014) 的分析一致的看法，我們認為各個語氣助詞所衍生的位置高度彼此不同，分佈於大句子(CP)之中。根據大句子分裂假說 (Split-CP Hypothesis, Cinque 1999, Rizzi 2004)，位於高位的情態詞阻擋了相對低位的語氣助詞的向上移動，形成了干涉效應並摧毀了問句的衍生過程。因此，包括漢語的應該、聽說以及汶水泰雅語的asi 與tal-an等示證性詞彙均使問句不合語法。而在漢語的是不是問句及汶水泰雅語中以pisa’ 形成的問句則因位處高位而不受相對地低位的示證性詞彙影響。此外，汶水泰雅語的語氣助詞也因其位處於句末或非句末的自由分佈，以及時而略受情態詞影響的特性，進而啟發我們對於語氣助詞的深入討論。

Instead of traditionally treating certain modals with epistemic interpretation, we suggest that yinggai ‘should’ in Mandarin Chinese (MC) and asi ‘seemingly’ in Mayrinax Atayal (MA) be re-categorized as evidential modals. Under Cartography Approach (Cinque & Rizzi 2008, Tsai 2010, Tsai & Yang 2014), we try to build a hierarchical structure involving modals and mood particles, in terms of their interactions in these two languages. To distinguish evidential modals from others, several clausal constructions and elements are manipulated to figure out the compatibility of these modals in these environments. Following previous assumptions (Tang and Tang 1997, Hsin 2000, Palmer 2001, Butler 2003, Tsai 2010), we also confirm the existence of the rigid ordering among modals. We further claim that the various distributions and co-occurrences of modals signify this restricted ordering: Evidential > Epistemic > Deontic. Given that postulation, we could clearly separate evidential modals from epistemic ones. More importantly, we could re-define the essential interpretations of yinggai ‘should’ in MC and asi ‘seemingly’ in MA, and account for the inconsistency between yinggai ‘should’ and keneng ‘may’ in MC.
This hierarchy can be further verified when we consider the interactions between modals and mood particles. Adopting concepts of previous studies (Tang 1998, Law 2002, Li 2006, Sybesma and Li 2007, Hsieh and Sybesma 2008, Paul 2014), we claim that mood particles are located at divergent positions under Split-CP Hypothesis (Cinque 1999, Rizzi 2004), where higher modals are presumed to block the upward movement of the relatively lower mood particle. Once the intervention effect takes place, the derivation in interrogatives is doom to crash. As a result, evidential expressions, including yinggai ‘should’, tingshuo ‘hearsay’ in MC, asi ‘seemingly’ and tal-an ‘it looks like…’ in MA are predicted to fail in yes/no questions, composed with ma in MC and quw in MA. Thanks to their relatively higher locations, only shi-bu-shi in outer A-not-A question of MC, and mood particle pisa’ in questions of MA are able to undergo movement to Force, regardless of the existence of evidential modals. Sentence final and non-final positioning of particles in MA also provides us another way to consider the formation of particles. Their free distributions are also influenced by the existence of higher modals.

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