This paper aims to tease out the paths of grammaticalization of Southern Min causative verbs, chhoa7拽, kah4甲, sai2使, kio3叫, khit4乞and thoo3度. Their semantic extensions affect the interpretation of the pivotal construction which they all share. These causative verbs, at a light verb position, link two events which have leeway for reinterpretations. Kah4甲and kio3叫 go from directive causative to stative causative. In early SM texts, sai2使 was a productive directive causative vverb and chhoa7拽 was a full-fledged stative casutive verb. Khit4乞 and thoo3度are interpreted differently in different constructional types. As verbs of giving, they develop ditransitive construction, then permissive causative and finally passive. The lexical properties of these verbs endow the causative construction with new meanings.

明清時代閩南語戲文富含使役與致使動詞，如：「chhoa7拽、kah4 甲、sai2 使、kio3 叫、khit4 乞和thoo3 度」。雖有類似的語法功能，且都出現於兼語式中，但每個動詞的語法化途徑不同，虛化程度不一，皆與其原本的語意緊密相關。藉由早期與現代閩南語的比較，可發現這些動詞的語意擴張將會影響兼語結構的解釋，主要歸納為兩條路線。其一為從動態使役到靜態致使，如「甲、叫」的語意泛化造成命令意涵減低，在特定的結構內主語可為非動物性的事件。「使」於早期閩南語為使役動詞，但現今與禁忌語衝突而不再沿用此功能。「拽」非使役動詞，但獨立發展出靜態致使用法。其二則為由雙賓動詞轉入被動用法，如給予動詞「乞、度」。「乞、度」在兼語結構已發展出容讓使役用法，若主語含有非出自意願允讓之意，易有容讓與被動的模糊解釋地帶，進而推衍出被動用法。本文進一步比較閩南語和官話致使動詞在語法化歷程上所反映的不同步現象，閩南語動態致使極少發展成成熟的靜態致使，但官話卻極為普遍。此外，官話的動態使役動詞可轉為被動用法，但閩南語的被動卻來自雙賓動詞。此六個使役與致使動詞皆作為兩個事件的連接點，因此當語意擴張時易造成兩個事件的關係重新詮釋，賦予兼語結構新的解讀。

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