本研究旨在探討台灣華語中不存在的音節所引發之事件相關電位(event-related potential)。在漢語音節是由音段和聲調構成的假設之下，我檢視了兩類假定的音節：(一)音段缺罅(segmental gaps)，即音段部分不管和哪一種聲調結合都不存在的組合，例如：*[ki1]、*[ki2]、*[ki3]、*[ki4]等；(二)聲調缺罅(tonal gaps)，亦即換成其他聲調後可能存在的組合，例如：*[tau2](換成一聲後可變成實際存在的「刀」[tau1])。此外，我做了兩個運用不同任務的實驗，以探索音位組合限制的處理(phonotactic processing)是否取決於任務的類型。在實驗一中，受試者被動地聆聽關鍵刺激項。在約345毫秒時，聲調缺罅所造成的N2-P3複合成分(N2-P3 complex)的電位較音段缺罅和真詞所造成的電位為負。在實驗二中，受試者則是執行詞彙判斷任務(lexical decision task)，此時音段缺罅所造成的晚期正向複合成分(late positive complex)的電位較其他類型的刺激項所造成的電位為負。這些結果顯示，在語音感知中，聲調和音段的資訊有不同的處理方式，而且相關的腦部反應取決於實驗時進行的任務。本文也討論了這些結果對於口語詞彙辨識(spoken word recognition)模型的理論意義，以及潛在的跨語言差異對實驗結果的影響。

This study investigates the event-related potentials evoked by nonexistent syllables in Taiwanese Mandarin. Under the assumption that a Mandarin syllable is comprised of segments and a lexical tone, two types of hypothetical syllables were examined: (1) segmental gaps, or combinations that are unattested regardless of their associated lexical tones (e.g., *[ki1], *[ki2], *[ki3], *[ki4]); and (2) tonal gaps, combinations that are unattested with certain lexical tones but not others (e.g., *[tau2]; cf. [tau1] ‘knife’). In addition, two experiments using different tasks were conducted to explore the task dependency of phonotactic processing. In Experiment 1, participants listened to the critical stimuli passively. The voltage of the N2-P3 complex around 345 ms was more negative for tonal gaps than segmental gaps and real words. On the other hand, when participants performed a lexical decision task in Experiment 2, the voltage of the late positive complex was more positive for segmental gaps than the other types of stimuli. These results suggest that tonal and segmental information are processed differently in speech perception and that the brain responses depend on the nature of the experimental task. Implications for competing models of spoken word recognition and potential cross-linguistic differences are also discussed.

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