本研究聚焦於當代中國變遷中的國家-社會關係。當公民社會的雛形逐漸在國家主導的力量下，轉化為公益市場之後，組織的行為有哪些改變？
本文以以北京市為設定範圍，作為首都的北京，集中了全國最多的社會組織，同時也是監控最多、最接近中國中央政府所構想的治理典範。
本文從文獻回顧與具體現象推論的方式中，提出了三個看法，並以數據資料進行初步驗證，本文認為，第一，國家對社會空間的治理，仍不脫「分類控制」的限制與發展兩手策略，只是更加綿密細緻。
其次，國家的綿密化手段借用了社會組織現代化過程中，必經的同形化壓力及資源依賴兩種驅力，以擴展吸納的範圍。限制策略的仍然是對公民社會組織進行各種騷擾；發展策略則有相當進化的手段，政府拿資金打造一個穩定的公益市場，以掌握資金、媒體等資源，政府就能操縱北京市範圍內的各種議題。
本文認為公益市場化的效果，讓國家得以用營裡或非營利來判斷社會組織的脫敏程度；同時，在使用限制策略的打壓手段之前，就可以先操作資金與社會輿論，用流行讓大家專注於其他社會議題，在真正出手鎮壓之前，先行讓整個社會遺忘這些議題與組織。
然而面對結構，草根行動者也發展出接受吸納、有限度的合作、迴避等三項行動策略。

This study focuses on the state-social relationship in contemporary China. As the from of civil society transfer into a market of publicity, what would happen to the grassroot NGOs’ behavior ?

This article is based on the Beijing area. Beijing ,as the capital of China, the social organizations face the most direct monitoring. Therefore state-social relationship in Beijing, is probably the the ideal relationship central government want.

I used literature review and phenomenon to put forward three presumption in this paper. Then I use database to exam them. First presumption, the state still not off the "classify and control" policy which use restrictions and development strategies. Yet the state has make them more delicate.

Second presumption, the delicate strategies make efficient co-option leverage both isomorphic pressure and resource dependence. The restrictions strategies are nothing new but police harassment while the development strategies evolve.

The social actors however develop three kind strategies to survive too. They are being co-opted, limited cooperation, and avoidence.

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